François Le Berre for Premier Commissioner | February 2021
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Radical Leftism
I have been accused of being a radical leftist. This is delusion on the part of whomever suggested it.
To be fair, however, it would be true, if we were living in the 19th century. In those times, radicalism was a center-left movement which strove for a sort of equality. It was not anti-capitalist; far from it, it was a liberal movement. All that it wished for was a spreading of ownership - for a more equal distribution of property and wealth in a free-market system.
However, we do not live in the 19th century. We live in the 21st. What I propose, as such, is not radicalism. It is a common-sense implementation of social democracy for Europe.
Now, let us see for ourselves what exactly the accuser believes is "radical leftism:"
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representing minorities in European governance
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involving experts in formulation of policy
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seeking consensus in policy, ignoring no one
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support for small and medium scope business
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encouraging people to make things themselves rather than buy them, by encouraging new technology that allow them to do so
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supporting artists
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supporting STEM
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supporting struggling industries
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supporting modernization of business without the destruction of employment
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supporting trade unions because workers' rights, in some areas, remain abysmal
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opposing large, hegemonic business because it stifles innovation and disconnects the worker from their work.
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supporting the sharing of ideas and resources between workers and businesses to further spur innovation
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supporting the creation of "third place" facilities shown repeatedly to build community bonds and reduce crime
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fiscal responsibility
I'm not entirely sure how any of this is particularly terrifying, nor even leftist. If anything, it is very close to being a Christian-Democratic - yes, Christian-Democratic! - platform, one that would not be out of place in the home country of the accuser.
In fact, I will be using this as an example, from now on, of demagoguery. Provocateurs trying to terrify people into voting against better representation
by screaming and repeating as many buzzwords as they can while proposing the exact same thing that they are denouncing not a moment afterwards.Really, all this shows is that only two competent - no, in fact, sane - people are running for Commission - Cocx and I.
Please do not vote for the ridiculous person who shouts this slander; this demagogue. Vote for anyone else. Scribble in the Cookie Monster, write in the name of the old lady down the street, just vote for anyone but him.
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Rally No. 4: Gijón, Spain
Hello, Gijón; hello, Spain! In the past I have rambled; you have all had to bear with me. Not today.
My platform is simple. I want to return power to the people.
For too long, we have been underrepresented in the European Union. Yes, we can vote for our Councillors; but do they really represent us all. There is but one per nation; yet within a nation, there can be a great deal of diversity of opinions and needs - between languages, between cultures, between even vocations!
As a result, under the current system, many of us have gone ignored. It is as though some are entirely invisible to those who are meant to govern for us all.
We desperately need one that is better. Every linguistic group, every culture, every vocation, has different needs and different interests. Not a single one should go unheard, unrepresented. All of them should have some level of power over their own interests; all of them should be valued as near-equals to nations that currently make the basis of our union, for they play just as
But onto something entirely different.
Asturias is, from what I have understood, not doing very well economically. The mining industry has collapsed; while the service industry has expanded, it cannot generate the same amount of profit.
I cannot promise a reversal - the mining industry to return. What has happened has happened; we cannot go back. Yet the transition was unjust - very. Many other places in Europe are suffering from similar issues, from the Duxburian Union to my home country.
In those areas which must transition - and I truly mean must - there must be input from all - from those at danger of losing their work to those who may be affected by the sudden decline in growth - as to create a solution which may benefit all. This must occur not simply here but across all Europe, so that for those who could be impacted by the many changes being wrought by climate change, by the exhaustion of minerals and resources, and much more.
The same would go for all Europe, as to find policy for everyone.
A new world will be dawned, one not of silence but of acknowledgement, discussion, and of solutions.
A note: we must also prepare for disasters, on a national level. In the vicinity of Granada, there have been a great many earthquakes; although weak, they may signal something to come. I sympathize with all those affected, and continue to hope for a fast recovery.
Thank you for listening.
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FIFTH POLICY ADDENDUM
In order to further elaborate upon my platform, as well as to explain my reasoning in adopting these policies, I am releasing this fifth of policy addendums.
POLICIES:
I. Strong support for the modernization of industry and agriculture. The Union should encourage modernization in all sectors of the economy in order to allow for a green and more efficient economy that remains able to maintain full employment.
II. Strong support for the expansion of "organic" agriculture. Forms of agriculture that may be able to expand yields while maintaining soil integrity (ie, agroforestry, permaculture) should be promoted by the Union as a whole, through agreements with existing agricultural institutions and related vocational chambers.
III. Strong support for just transition. Workers who work in sectors and industries that are unsustainable should be involved in the process of transition; they should be guaranteed equivalent jobs in stable industries.
REASONING:
I. Why am I opposed to large, non-state supported business? Large business has the tendency to form monopolies. It is true that others are often free to compete; but because of the resources that large, monopolistic businesses may have, these smaller businesses are often unable to gain traction. As a result, large business results in technological stagnation while at the same time forcing those who could have innovated to work as drones for them.
II. Why do I believe in vocational autonomy and representation? Those in a vocation generally know what is best for it. Medical doctors, for example, would be the most knowledgeable about their field; the same goes with all other professions and fields of work. As a result, it is those within a vocation who should have some autonomy over themselves. Doctors should not dictate to farmers regulations on their work, and vice versa.
I support representation for a different reason. Vocations often have different interests. A farmer may be worried about drought; a doctor may be worried about access to medical supplies. Neither would have much more than a cursory level of knowledge regarding the concerns of the other. It is thus best to allow vocations to represent themselves.
III. Why should linguistic, cultural, and ethnic groups be represented? As I stated earlier, none of these will ever have exactly the same interests. They may have very similar interests, but certainly never exactly the same. In my own country, for example, a speaker of Italian may be concerned regarding the dwindling number of schools and teachers specializing in the language; on the other hand, a speaker of French may be overjoyed that their language is again gaining popularity in the educational system and in the state apparatus. Both should be represented on a country level; however, their interests diverge to the point where they should receive at least some representation on a European level.
IV. Why should people be encouraged to make things themselves? It is simple. When one makes an object by oneself, one is proud with it. One does not want to throw it away, as one would be more inclined to do had one bought it. To make things oneself, as such, is to reduce waste - it increases the chance that one will reuse rather than simply throw something away.
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Rally No. 5: Verington, Duxburian Union
Hello, Verington and to all those who may be watching! I'll get directly to the point.
Our Union - or rather, the Union that is meant to be ours - is not representative of us. Our nations are represented, yes - but our nations are diverse in interests. Doctors, for example, have different interests from farmers; farmers from miners, and so on and so forth.
But I am digressing. To achieve a more representative union, all interests must be represented - the nation, yes, but also the vocation, and many others. At the same time, there must be a move towards a consensus based system. No longer should you or me or anyone else be silenced because a so-called majority votes to do so. Everyone has the right to voice one's opinion; everyone has the right to both provide input into and shape the legislation that they will be ruled by.
But legislation is not the only problem. Large sums of money are poured into agencies which have accomplished little of substance. What I say - leave this to the experts. The ESA, the EHO; neither should be controlled by a Commission which may very well end up one day headed by an idiot. Both should be under, or even integrated into, what I call vocational chambers, consisting of all those in a certain vocation. Then the EHO will be directed by doctors and others in the field of medicine; the ESA by astrophysicists, engineers, and many others - hopefully reducing waste through competence.
There is also another way in which waste would be reduced. My complete plan for reform, which I unfortunately have not mentioned as of date - I will be releasing it soon to all, you'll see - is to make the vocational chambers directly accountable to those who elect them. Delegates will be instantly recallable, making them beholden to their constituents - organized, of course by nation, in recognition of the nature of our Union. Concerns about demagoguery are few - because each vocational chamber has power over that which it should have the greatest expertise in, it should be difficult for such manipulators to trick those who would elect them. You would thus have direct control over a large portion of European spending.
The vocational chambers also have additional benefits. Part of what I intend for them is for them to work with unions, professional associations, businesses, and governments in the role of a mediator, "coordinating" all as to create policy that works for all across all Europe while not stripping power away from existing institutions and member-states.
I would like to digress a bit here. All Europe is hurting under the ongoing transition towards a "cleaner" world; towards a more "just" world. And yes, there must be modernization, there must unfortunately be change. But this change, this modernization, should not come at anyone's loss. Those who must unfortunately change should not be abandoned; they should be at the forefront of transition. What I hope is that the vocational chambers I have just described, in all the functions I have described them in, will allow for justice - for those who have been abandoned to finally have a voice, not simply on moving ahead but also on their future, so that they may again return to a stable, healthy, and happy life.
Be assured, I am not for European integration - the member-state must continue to hold sovereignty. National governments shall always have the right to conduct their business as they like - so long as they do not deny their citizens the basic rights of freedom - of speech, of writing, of movement, and so on and so forth - and do not attempt to wantonly attack nations without reason whatsoever.
Any attempt to infringe upon the right of sovereignty will be ferociously attacked. We cannot have a single European country, for our Union is not one but multiple nations with different interests and cultures. Everything that the Union does must not be in the name of integration but in coordination and wellbeing, and even then only when necessary.
Thank you for listening.
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SIXTH POLICY ADDENDUM
I promised those listening in Verington that I would soon add to my policy what I had stated there; I now deliver.
I. Vocational chambers should be composed of instantly recallable delegates. With an equal delegation from each country, vocational chambers should operate on the principle of consensus. Both of these measures are meant to ensure greater accountability as well as control by ordinary citizens over the internal workings of the European Union, as well as on how budgets are allocated.
II. Vocational chambers should be decentralized; a great deal of power should be given to more local branches. These, which will operate in as democratic a way as possible, as to be defined by agreements to be made with member-states, will carry the primary burden of improving and expanding existing working facilities.
III. Vocational chambers should work with business, government, whether local or national, and government agencies in their attempt to develop unifying policy through discussion.
IV. Vocational chambers should not overrule the policies of the member-states they are operating in.
V. There should be an attempt made to merge as many European bureaucracies with vocational chambers as to increase efficiency and accountability while ensuring that experts remain in control, regardless of the state of a given Commission.
VI. National sovereignty is sacrosanct.
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The Deranged Shrieks of Leeson Continue to Haunt Europe
Mr. Peter Leeson continues to demonstrate his evident disconnection from reality with his latest batch of tweets.
He accuses me of all number of things, the vast majority of which I have repeatedly denounced. He firstly accuses me of being extremist and far left. As I stated on the 28th of January, nothing could be further from the truth, unless, of course, Mr. Leeson believes that the year is 1875.
He then claims that my policies will lead to a failed transition to a greener economy. If anything, they would not, given that I, unlike him, have focused on ensuring that said transition will be just - that is, able to employ workers who would otherwise be unemployed in strong and growing industries that would be able to maintain the economy, based upon input from those transitioning, from those in other industries, from experts in the matter, and from member-state governments.
He also makes the very strange assertion that large business leads to more efficiency. However, large companies generally denote an oligopoly or a monopoly. In both conditions, technological stagnation prevails due to the lack of competition; at the same time, those in control have the power to gouge prices. There is no need for industry to be efficient, either, for similar reasons.
He then proceeded to repeat what was almost exactly the same argument yet again, arguing that monopolism leads to employment and stability. I have no idea what alternate reality he must be living in to believe such a thing. The failure of a large business is much more catastrophic than that of a small business; in the first, power is concentrated in a small few but affects tens of thousands; in the second, power, while nominally in one person, is shared, to an extent, with those below; if there is failure, it will only affect a few.
It was then that he appeared to become trapped in the world of his twisted imagination. He first asserted that I would increase taxes. I will do nothing of the sort; the budget will remain the same - that, I promise.
As for his claim that we will be thrust into class warfare, it is simple insanity, to which I have no response but shock. I have no idea where or how he managed to manufacture this idea; I advise him to seek help.
Then came his assertion that I would place everything under the control of some "government." I have never, even in the days of my youth, been in support of such a thing. This, too, appears to have come from the same mysterious and terrifying part of his mind as that of the class warfare insanity.
He then went as low as to blame a genocide - which I lived through - on the policies I have proposed. This is obviously an awful assertion to make. I saw my wife and many of my friends killed in that genocide in horrific ways that terrify me and haunt every waking second of my existence to this day. His apparent derision towards such a horrific series of events was callous and morally bankrupt.
He then returned from this filthy and awful assertion to continue to manufacture bizarre accusations. He claimed first that "Berrism," which does not exist, will result in unemployment and poverty. Given everything that I have said, everything I have written, every part of my platform, and the fact that my plan is simply to return power to those who make up and give strength to our Union - the member-states, the linguistic and cultural groups, the vocations, and the people as a whole, this makes absolutely no sense.
Finally, he made the assertion that I would oversee a Europe of apathy in terms of work. Given that everything that he has described are phenomena that can very easily be found in the nearest local office of whatever generic monopolistic or oligopolistic corporation you choose; that I have repeatedly called for a Europe of creativity and innovation and have provided detailed plans on how to achieve such a thing, I simply have nothing to say.
It is clear that Mr. Peter Leeson lives in an entirely different reality from the one we live in. I realize, again, that many people may not be willing to vote for me. But I beg of you, please do not vest control of the European Union to a morally bankrupt man who has invented his own world to live in.
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Rally No. 6: Nyetthem, Vayinaod
The Rally
Hello, Nyetthem! Hello, Vayinaod!
I'm here and not with those representing you for one reason - I'd simply like to talk with you, those who I hopefully will be working for. I'm not even entirely sure what I'm supposed to say anymore - I feel exhausted. But I think I can use this time to go over my policy. No more shouting for today.
At the heart of my platform is the idea of governance by and for the people. This is not something that the European Union's political institutions have achieved. None of its supposedly representative institutions from the Council to the Assembly, capture the full range of interests that exist.
Minority groups, linguistic, ethnic, and cultural are ignored in many cases; the same goes for vocations, which often have massive differences in interest. The oil field worker will not have the same interests as the nurse, for example. In recent years, individual governments have also gone ignored in the shaping of policy, which has been problematic to say the least.
In order to fix this major issue, as such, the first step would be to establish representation for all of these ignored groups. Nations will remain, of course, the backbone of the Union; but now, for the first time in its history, other perfectly valid and existing interests now may be involved.
An audience must also be established with individuals, with political parties, with unions, and with the many other organizations that make up a great part of our Union. Currently, it is somewhat difficult for these to petition any part of the European Union's institutions; however, I will be open. I will, in fact, set up a direct audience with them all!
Secondly is the problem of autonomy. Nations must retain their sovereignty - the purpose of the Union simply should be to uphold the basic rights of democracy, to coordinate efforts between different nations in certain and necessary areas, to be decided by the nations, and to work with nations and the many diverse interests and groups of the Union, not dictate, to uphold the principle of human dignity.
At the same time, however, we must ensure some level of autonomy or at least decision making for other interests. Those in a vocation, for example, are most likely to know it best - they should at the very least be involved in the making of regulations regarding their vocation. The same goes with cultural, linguistic, and ethnic minorities.
Thirdly is the issue of inefficiency. European bureaucracy is prone to this; at the same time, it is very much possible that someone incompetent could be appointed to the head of a given agency. What I wish to do is to integrate these bureaucracies into vocational chambers elected by all those in the vocation represented. These vocational chambers would provide better and generally more experienced candidates to lead bureaucracy; the experience of those within it may further increase efficiency. Finally, because of the form of accountability provided through the form of elections I plan these vocational chambers to have - detailed in my platform - individuals will have direct control over a large portion of European spending.
Moving on, these vocational chambers will have many more responsibilities. Decentralized as to ensure that local communities have more power, they are meant to coordinate workers' unions, professional associations, businesses, and governments in developing policy that works for everyone. More interestingly, they are also meant to provide a place for the free exchange of ideas across Europe - facilitated by inexpensive projects to expand workplaces and construct "third places." The hope is that this, coupled with anti-trust laws developed with the consent of European nations and other important interests that I have previously mentioned, will contribute to European innovation and creativity.
Fifthly is the issue of the transition to a green economy. It is necessary; but we must ensure that it is just. Everyone who risks being unemployed should be guaranteed a new, equivalent job in a stable and growing industry; the transition itself should be agreed upon by all groups involved.
The promotion of technologies and innovations that may contribute to a transition - permaculture, agroforestry, smallholder agriculture, urban agriculture, 3D printing technologies with bioplastics - must also occur. Of interest to me is possible funding to research - however, this will need to go through a cost-benefit analysis and be discussed thouroughly by nations and the many other interest groups I plan to involve.
Sixthly, Europe must work with existing associations, unions, and so on and so forth to promote such things as art, as research, as independent innovation as comes from the open source community. The sharing and creation of these two are almost inextricably linked to innovation; by encouraging both through existing and organically formed structures, Europe will itself advance.
Thank you for listening.
The Dinner
"Welcome, welcome," said Le Berre, "to the table. It'll be a small meal today, unfortunately, but filling. Native food from my home country. Of course, I am of French descent; but this is made of what best grows in the country, so generally what we eat."
He paused.; in f
"The appetizer is small - a salad of sorts, called "ūmjan." It is a bit minty, so be aware."
The politicians before him began to eat; he followed suit, before stopping to speak again.
"Now, I'm very much aware that my policy has been criticized by many. Yet some of those criticisms are false; others are simply misguided. I can assure you that I am not some extremist who wishes to steal Vayinaod's treasury. In fact, I believe in financial stability, frugality, and balance. Everything that I propose I have weighed to make sure it does not take a toll on the budget; everything I have weighed to make sure that you nor anyone else pays a penny more. At the same time, I have tried to support policies for greater accountability and efficiency in European bureaucracy; in fact, to partially de-bureaucratify European agencies as to make them more effective."
He paused again to eat; they were soon finished.
"Next, the main course. Flatbread, very light and a bit crunchy - our famous kusjur. There is a root vegetable paste - spiced and quite savory - kūshajur that you should eat it with. Take small pieces of the flatbread, pinch it around a bit of the paste, and eat. I'd advise you not to pour the paste on the bread - that is usually quite hard to eat."
He again paused, and began to eat, before stopping again to speak.
"Of course, I have other issues that I would like to discuss. As you may very well know, I am quite strongly in favor of unionization and small business. I am, however, willing to moderate if necessary - that is, regarding business, not unionization. I will, however, be very open to dialogue.
I understand that much of your economy is dependent quite heavily on oil and natural gas. I'd assume that there is likely a state or state-supported monopoly in the industry - which, of course, per my platform, I am not against. However, a transition is necessary - oil and natural gas will become very expensive in the future, unprofitable. If we wait until then to prepare, we will be facing a crisis. Yet unlike other candidates, I will be offering you a better deal regarding this. A just transition, as I have said many times. Members of the Vardic government, representatives of its oil and natural gas business, workers in the industry, economic experts regarding this sort of transition, representatives for possible industries to diversify into will be invited to a pan-European meeting on the topic. For all countries, of course, there will be specialization; a special meeting will be held with your country in that case. Europe will, I promise you, help in this."
They continued to eat, talking occasionally, until finally they had finished.
"Last course - very, very small. It is our native "yogurt"-type food, so to speak - ōljūsjol. Flavored with something familiar to us all - mango. Enjoy!"
They again ate; Le Berre began to speak when there were finished.
"Just a bit more, I'm afraid. Part of my platform involves working extensively with existing structure - professional organizations, artisans' guilds, creative unions, and so on and so forth. You get the gist. As I have said ad nauseum, I want to encourage discussion with workers, exchange of ideas, creativity, so that Europe may become more innovative. And that is it, now. Thank you for listening; thank you for eating with me. Have a very nice night!"
He shook hands with all those he had invited, speaking with some who had questions.
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Rally No. 7: Kazmurbirha, Ruthund
Hello, Kazmurbirha; hello, Ruthund!
I stand for the common person. Wherever you work; whatever you do; I stand for you.
If you are a farmer - I stand for you. My commission will work to make sure that your interests are represented in European institutions; it will, working with you, give you the social infrastructure needed to improve if you so desire.
It will also provide a source of advice to you. With your input, as well as those of those establishing new technologies in the industry of agriculture, it will provide advice on how to improve yields; advice on much more, if you request it.
Do not worry about your traditional structures being uprooted; my commission will work tirelessly with them, respecting their existence and autonomy, as to create better policy for us all.
If you are a worker in a factory - I stand with you as well. My commission will work to make sure that your rights remain protected; that your unions are strong and respected, playing a role in the formation of policy regarding you. You, too, will be represented in all European institutions; you too shall have access to the same social infrastructure - again, within constraints.
In fact, I will say this for all professions, farmer, factory-worker, laborer, artist, artisan, member of the intelligentia, of the liberal professions - my commission will stand with you, give you representation in Europe, listen to you, help you, but also respect your society, the structures and organizations you have already created; respect their integrity, working with them. Your labor will be protected; my commission, working with you, will ensure that Ruthund's domestic industry remains protected; that foreign companies may not buy it off for their own profit.
You likely already know how, if you are here. Through the vocational bodies, which will be elected and accountable to you - actually, that is poor phrasing, the EACA is nowhere near what I propose - the vocational bodies, directly accountable to you, which will work with you, with your unions, your professional associations, your guilds, and many others as to create better policy.
Also important to me, however, is national sovereignty. The Union is not a single country; it is a union of nations, and should be treated as such. The sovereignty of each nation will be respected and defended; never will my commission allow any nation to infringe upon it.
I work, in essence, for a Europe for you; for everyone; a Europe which is able to aid those in need, but also one which understands nations, respects their culture, and respects their ultimate sovereignty.
Thank you for listening.
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Congratulations to the Protestors in Azrekko
This has come very late; I should have said it in Verington. In any case, it is better late than never.
I congratulate the protestors in Azrekko, who achieved their aims; who pushed for reform and may now finally receive it, after such a prolonged period of suffering.
I celebrate their victory; I wish them happier times, and hope that I may one day be able to aid them in their gradual reconstruction of their city.
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Final Pre-Debate Statement: Europolis
I stand for dignity in Europe. Dignity for nations, dignity for cultures, dignity for ethnicities, dignity for vocations, dignity for everyone.
What, then, does dignity mean? First and foremost, representation - the right to be heard. In this day and age, the institutions of Europe should represent the people of Europe in their multifaceted diversity - national, linguistic, ethnic, vocational, and much more.
None should be ignored; European institutions should be open to the petitions of all, responding to as many as they can.
But dignity is not simply representation; dignity is also autonomy. No nation should be forced to bend to a decree forced upon it; rather, all nations should be free, thriving in a European community of equals, deciding for themselves their policy. The same should go for all others.
Yet even then, dignity cannot be dignity without respect. No nation, no vocation, no culture, no ethnicity, and no person should be considered lower or higher; all contribute, and all should be valued. One should not look down on others, saying, "oh, poor, poor people, how filthy they are;" one should treat everyone, every nation, every group, with respect.
No person should be looked down upon simply because they work in the "wrong" vocation, belong to the "wrong" nation, the "wrong" culture.
If it is wrong to believe this, then I would rather be wrong than right. If it is somehow extreme to believe this, I would rather be extreme than moderate. For a Europe of dignity would be a prosperous Europe; a better Europe.
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SEVENTH POLICY ADDENDUM
I. Regarding businesses in the mineral extraction industry, there will be compromise regarding anti-trust laws, if desired by the countries in which they operate.
II. All are equal - strong support for the UDoHR.
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Questions for Le Berre
Questions for Le Berre may be directed to the following form:
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(OOCly, I would like to assure everyone that these plans will not make you invent new characters or RP elections. There will be an attempt to maintain current systems in terms of their OOC function. For example, the IAC will continue to appoint agency heads when needed; however, these heads will now, ICly, be only responsible for "conveying" the opinion of the actual member states. OOCly, they will continue to do as they do now - drawing up the reports, but with the added caveat that a member can now object to them if they really wish to. The new forms of representation will, unfortunately, require the creation of new groups - however, vocational representatives will be elected similarly to how, for example, elected ENAA members are, so it should not be so terrible. ICly, elections for all other new posts will be through a system of nested councils or an equivalent system created by member-states, which would mean that no RP would be needed for their elections, nor even names for those in the councils. However, this new system, altogether, should allow for more accountability and even more RP both IC and OOC.)
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Why do people believe that I am an extremist
Many, many, have called me an extremist. I am not, if you have even skimmed over my platform.
I have become increasingly irate at this. My platform and my words are crystal clear. I am not in favor of imposing taxes on Europe, I am not in favor of extreme bureaucracy, I am not in favor of nationalization.
I will again tell those reading to read my platform, read my platform, read my platform! No one seems to have even attempted to do so. They appear to have listened selectively, latching themselves on to a specific word!
I must repeat again, I am not in favor of higher taxes, not in favor of government control, not in favor of bureaucracy, not nationalization, not anything that anyone has accused me of! Read my platform! Read it! Just take the time to go through it and you will see! Read it!
In reality, I am in favor of cooperation, of sovereignty. I will impose nothing, nothing at all! But perhaps none of you will read this; you will selectively forget the word "not!" Why can't you read my platform!
Just read it! Read my platform!
Read it, oh read it, oh read it! Simply read it! It's so simple, all you need to do is to look at the words and read! Read!
Why you have latched on to what other people say, things that are not based in reality, I do not know! Read my platform! Read it! For the sake of anything, anything, truly anything. read my platform!
Read my platform! Read it! Read it!
These accusations have consumed my time; I cannot spend any more time answering them! Why can't you simply read my platform! Just read it, read it!
I don't understand why you must keep doing this. I have said over and over, tried to make everything as clear as possible, but still you do not listen! Read my platform, read it, read it!
Just read it, why can't you? Read it, and just stop!
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The Issues with Our Politics
The lying that has become seemingly endemic to our politics must stop. We deserve better.
I have been, as I recently brought up, accused of many things. None of them are true, and that is an issue.
Not a single one of my opponents has now abstained from this form of lying. They have brazenly, even after the correction of a fact-checker, continued to do this. They think that the people of Europe are fools - that we are totally and completely under their thumbs.
We cannot let these people ever come to power again. My plan is not to vest power in me, to center everything around me, but instead to give power back to all the people, all the nations, of Europe, so that they may again rule themselves rather than being manipulated by a small clique.
No longer will demagoguery or falsehood prevail; in its place shall be rationality and truth.
Many, of course, will tell me that I myself have lied and manipulated. I have taken every effort not to; tried to present my arguments without bias. If I have failed in that, then I have failed. But I have not done so intentionally. These people, on the other hand, even when told that what they are saying is false, persist; they are lying intentionally.
Do we want to give our Europe up to such pathological liars? Do we want our lives to be in the hands of these people?
They have very nearly driven me, a person who has survived the deaths of his wife, his children, of his colleagues, of horrific scenes that I never wish upon anyone else, to insanity with this. If you continue to give them power, one day they will do the same to you. Do not think that they are not capable of such things; again, they have lied to you for the past week.
We must stand up to these gaslighting ghouls and say no more. No more to their lies, no more to their treachery. We must fight for autonomy for our nations and for ourselves; we must fight for our own futures.
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On the Union of Syndicates
I am overjoyed that, after so lengthy a period of terror, we, the citizens of the Union of Syndicates, are free from tyranny. At the hands of those thugs, I saw my family, my friends - all those I knew - torn away from me, ripped into pieces by the bloodthirsty mobs that then roamed the nation freely.
I saw myself forced to hide away simply because I dared to speak out against their de facto reign of terror; forced to stay locked in a cellar, then in a broom closet, simply to stay away from these horrible people.
I cannot even refer to them as human anymore; they lost their humanity on the 28th of September, when they turned against us and began to eat their own countrymen.
The blood stained their jaws; their teeth were unnaturally sharp. Their hair was wild; they were animals, ripping off the flesh of screaming infants, biting apart the elderly, the innocent, without any remorse - nay, even any emotion, whatsoever.
They were crazed. When they were given authority by Areai, what atrocities they wrought about were horrible. They enacted such atrocities upon us, with such terrifying intelligence, that we could not believe it.
I escaped; that haunts me day after day, for so many were unable to do so. I once was taken, by that horrible woman, to one of the factories of death they maintained. There was a great hall where blood and excrement covered the floor. The limbs and eyes and genitals of those who had been killed there were left scattered about the floor. Their bodies still lied against the blood-streaked wall, covered in their own blood and excrement. They had been fed castor oil, said Areai; their feces had been stuffed into their mouths and eye sockets.
Behind the wall was a burning pit, kept aflame by the flesh of those who had been pushed into it. Behind those pits, dips in the ground, bits of bone almost floating on the surface. Then the fields in which these poor people had to work for so long. Beyond those fields, a forest of true horror. The body parts of those "unfit for work" hung from every tree, slowly rotting, slowly blackening. Hands, arms, heads, torsos, all bobbing from the outstretched branches of the dark trees..
The smell of death was everywhere.
After the fall of Areai, it continued. At a hospital - the sick were taken out and beaten mercilessly, until they were but lumps. Their bodies were cooked and eaten. A nursery, where infants and children were massacred, blood everywhere, the heads of the innocent rolling about the floor, their bodies consumed as well by those monsters.
Senseless murder; I do not know why they did it. I do not want to know; the acts themselves were so horrifying, so awful. One could not believe that people could commit such atrocities.
But they are gone now, gone forever. No longer may they continue their perversions, torturing the innocent. They are gone, and we are free, finally!
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The Third Message: An Article
It is almost over; we are near the end. Europe's fight for its representation, for its dignity, and for truth itself is soon to reach its conclusion.
The present European political "elite" continues to have failed to even mentioned the crisis that will come when the "transition" - that towards a green economy - comes about. It is unfortunately certain that it will - in twenty years, every projection is showing that the cost of extraction of fossil fuels will be unsustainably high. If we do not prepare, we will be left with shortage and massive unemployment never before seen.
It continues, in fact, to have mentioned a plethora of other crises, from the slowing of European innovation to increasing belligerence and authoritarianism. When it does mention them, it does so poorly, using sentiment and ideology instead of reason in formulating policies "against" them.
It has almost entirely ignored the complaints of unions, parties, and the people themselves against their policies; instead forging forward; in fact, wanting to accelerate it all!
If this is to be stopped, there must be change. No longer can the current system of representation, which has systematically denied a great number of people a voice in European politics, stand alone. It must be reformed to give a voice to all. No minority, no majority, no vocation, no nation, no culture, should be silenced in our modern and democratic age.
No longer can the current denial of dignity to the people of Europe remain in place. The sovereignty of every nation should be respected, as should the culture and norms of every culture, every vocation. None should be treated as being above or below; all should be recognized as contributing to the greater European community, and thus, in dignity and rights, equal.
Policies, when needed, must take into account the views and needs of all. They must not be forced on people by a tricking elite that believes itself more enlightened than "the filthy masses" below it.
In place of our "way of life," a disgusting and trickery-ridden politics under which many suffer, we must create for ourselves a better system which guarantees all representation, dignity, and the right to truth and rational governance.
Can we truly stand for the continuation of the current system? For silence, for lies, and for contempt?
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Democracy, the Sacrificial Lamb of the Europe of Today
True democracy has seemingly become the sacrifice of today's Europe; what we must all give up for some tenuous prosperity soon ahead. It distances the people from their government, say those who wish to sacrifice it; it is corrupt and inefficient, useless bureaucracy.
But what is the alternative? Decisions being made by a small few who care more about their re-election rather than about those they are supposed to represent? The gradual concentration of power into all-European institutions? In short, the Europe of today, a Europe without just representation or accountability?
Evidently, this is far from ideal; in fact, I doubt anyone would like living under such a system - our system, our "way of life."
Everyone deserves better. Everyone deserves true representation - not a choice between two or three corrupt candidates who will immediately refuse to deliver on their promises upon coming to office. This is a tall order; but it can be achieved.
My opposition to the Elected and Accountable Act may appear to be contradictory to this; but in fact, I argue that it would be opposite. By allowing governments to instantly recall and replace Councillors - or, under my reforms, Assemblymembers - Councillors or Assemblymembers would be under greater pressure to represent their constituents. The same would go for the representatives of cultural and vocational groups, which would be able to be recalled and replaced in a similar manner, and thus be under the same pressure.
Under my system, interests often ignored would finally have a voice in European politics; no longer would they be silenced. The majority would no longer be able to truly suppress the minority; true democracy, in which all are represented but independent, would be achieved.
The Europe of Today, that horrible system, would perish; the Europe of Tomorrow would be born.
Europe, I will say it again - the long night is soon to end; the dawn is fast approaching.