An Interview with the State Elder
ILJET KALETEJ: State Elder Lepik, I will be very blunt. Is your position as State Elder even legal? Outside of Kiel, there is no constitution; since the fall of Areai they have essentially been independent from Kiel, and Kiel from them.
S.E KALJU LEPIK: My position rests, I will concede, on very shaky legality. In Kiel, in fact, what authority I possess stems not even from the Constitution that should be in force but rather from an entirely new, "provisional" constitution that borders on being illegal. However, the economic and consultative chambers, as well as the municipal governments, have recognized me as being the legitimate State Elder, and are actively working with my administration to restore stable and unified government across the Union.
IK: Probing further into the constitution in effect in Kiel, what is your personal opinion on its legality?
KL: It is legal, but barely so. I would argue that it was put into place by a popular rebellion, and thus is a legitimate successor to the constitution previously in effect.
IK: And of the Federal Council before you? Were they legitimate?
KL: Denying the legitimacy of the Federal Council is ridiculous.
IK: But many do.
KL: The Federal Council was the sole representative of this nation abroad for ten years. It was responsible for our Union's entrance into the European Union, for organizing the elections to the Councillorship, which were participated in throughout the country. It was very unpopular, but it was a legitimate government.
IK: In any case, let us move on. Per the constitution in effect in Kiel, you are duty bound to hold a constitutional convention. But in the South, this is not popular. People prefer the status-quo of government by municipal and sectoral authority, advised by the consultative chambers. Perhaps they do like that you have come as to better organize them; but they do not want change beyond that. What, then, can you do?
KL: The status-quo is profoundly unconstitutional. I am in support of it, save in Kiel, where intervention is necessary; but in order to uphold it and to move on, a constitutional convention of some type is necessary.
IK: There is a high level of flexibility in existing government arrangements: would such a convention not endanger them?
KL: The constitution produced does not necessarily have to dictate so much that government becomes inflexible. Flexibility is certainly part of what makes government in the South stable; but again, there needs to be a legal basis for it.
IK: Would such a convention even be legal?
KL: As far as I know, there is no law against it. Even if we dismiss the constitution enforced in Kiel, there are still perfectly legal processes as for the calling of a constitutional convention.
IK: Moving on to other topics, what of the internment of foreigners that occurred but a few weeks ago? In the South it was not particularly necessary; many were detained without reason.
KL: The internment, especially consider its length and its extreme measures, was almost certainly a mistake. I apologize deeply to all those affected; it was a rash, emotional movement spurred by fear that caused violated the basic rights and dignity of foreign nationals in our country. The Government is currently repaying all those affected for the suffering it has caused them.
I understand that many are calling for my resignation; this is simply not possible. The Union has not had a functioning central government for years; stability is necessary as to restore it.
However, it must be understood the decision was made based on the analysis of the situation in Kiel, which was entirely unsafe for foreigners. It was a situation which we believed extended to the whole country, especially given several reports from even long-calm cities like Alexandra Kollontai, reports which, incidentally, we now believe to have been exaggerated.
IK: Some have called your government corrupt, highlighting the fact that your partner is the Minister of Defense. How do you respond to this?
KL: This is extremely normal. In the West, where I assume that these bizarre accusations are coming from, there is a tradition of keeping relationships away from politics and the workplace, but here it is the opposite, where the two are linked and cannot be separated. Unlike there, there are no real implications of corruption from such a thing here.
IK: Some have claimed that you are responsible for ordering mass killings. Evidently, this is problematic to say the least.
KL: I did not order mass killings. Constitutional provisions against such things remained in place then just as now; what happened was horrifying, and cannot be put into words. An investigation has been launched; we will find those who perpetrated and ordered the perpetration of these horrors with haste.
IK: Finally, what is your plan as to restore international relations? Your government is hated outside of the Union; at the same time, Kiel has become the face of the country to the world. We are absolutely alone in the world.
KL: Internally, we must be focused on stabilization. I have invited foreign forces as to occupy the city of Kiel; the suicides continue despite our attempts to halt them, our forces are nearing exhaustion. However, the movement of the Government to Rosa Luxemburg has at least temporarily resulted in greater stability, as well as a slight change in focus towards not endless violence but rather what makes our country our country - its culture, its people, and so on. What we hope to accomplish is simply a change in view, to make international powers view our nation not as violent but rather as being more regular.
IK: Thank you for your time, State Elder.
KL: And thank you for this opportunity.