News Media of Istkalen

[Istkalen]

An Announcement from the Producers' Committee of Culture

The Producers' Committee of Culture, formerly the Producers' Committee of Arts and Literature, in coordination with the similarly renamed Ministry of Culture, has, in the spirit of the Internal Revolution, and with the authorization of the Council of Ministers as a whole as well as the President, resolved to put a firm end to the issue of journalistic elitism.

The journalists of today, influenced by the class-based ideology of the Social Democrats, hold an unfortunate belief that they have a monopoly on truth. Whatever comes from their mouths, they believe, is truth, or at least will be considered as truth. That which anyone else who is not within their clique says is not truth, it is lies, and is denounced by them as such. This has escalated to such a level that the journalists of today are preventing others, educated and well-trained, from entering their class; they have also lied to the public in order to incite people into removing from their class those they dislike for daring to defy their insane beliefs on their monopoly.

In this vein, in fact, they have come to lie to the public as a group as to manipulate it into hating that which they hate and loving that which they love. Lies, lies, lies, constantly and always.

IN the struggle for democracy, this elitism has no place. Journalists are indeed the purveyors of the truth, but that does not mean that they are better than all others, that they possess some divine right over the truth, that they define the truth rather than reality itself. They simply communicate it simply, concisely, and effectively, perhaps providing analysis or an opinion, insofar as both are presented as analysis or opinion rather than as facts in themselves.

It is the destruction of the present insanity of the journalists and the setting of the present situation to rights as we have described that we seek presently, as well as, in part, the expansion of certain journalistic activities to the people.

Thus, there shall be an end to the present cliques that have formed in journalism. All of these, regardless of the medium through which they operate, shall be integrated into the "People's Information Service," named so as to continue the mockery of old Social Democratic institutions and remove from them whatever mystique or terror they carried with them, which shall be divided into the "Istkalen Information Service," for national news, and the "Local Information Service," for local news. Integration does not mean prohibition; it simply means that all must now publish under the name of the Information Service rather than the various cliques that existed before.

In order to prevent the inciting of violence and require the truth to be reported, councils of selected editors, known to be truthful and moral, shall be set up as to ensure that lies and propaganda are not disseminated. Within the Information Service, there shall also be outlets for ordinary people to submit various reports and opinions, which may be published from time to time, as to encourage public participation.

Freedom of the press shall remain sacrosanct. So long as what is reported is:

• truthful
• if not truthful, marked as untruthful
• if opinion or analysis, marked as such

it will be published. Citizens will also be free to continue writing and disseminating what they wish, although the mediums of print, radio, and television shall be placed under committee regulation and control, without fear of retribution - in fact, this will be encouraged for the sake of democracy.

Long live democracy; may the Internal Revolution succeed.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Government announces timeline for "democratic" transition"
International

The Council of Ministers, in line with recent reforms, and in an attempt to deny amounting accusations of fascism, has announced its intention to develop a new "democratic" constitution, based on that of 1931, setting a timeline for its creation, the holding of elections, and handover of power to a new government, occurring, in reality, unusually rapidly - all of this in but six months.

Make no mistake - this is not an attempt to court, at the very least, liberal democracy. Istkalen's government has made it clear that it has no intention of ever truly becoming one, instead putting forward a concept of "Istkalener democracy" - effectively an authoritarian ideology that, as is tradition, integrates, rather than suppresses, dissent and political activities in general into controlled, "ordered" state institutions, mostly organized on the line of profession and, in some cases, identity (youth, women, minorities, etc, etc). The choice of the 1931 constitution - a particularly authoritarian document, although mild by Istkalen's standards - as a basis highlights this.

With most Istkaleners supporting such a regime, however, having come to see, after the extreme corruption of 1973-1983, as well as the extravagance and myriad political alliances with the most bizarre of institutions that defined the Social Democratic regime until its violent attempt to purge these all through war both internal and external, even the basic trappings of liberal democracy as leading to failure, there is likely to be little internal opposition to this.

"What has the multi-party system done for us?" asked a woman who wished to remain anonymous. "We saw - they were siphoning money for seances and all sorts of ridiculous ceremonies! Others were doing beheadings and stonings and all sorts of vile things, and when the Social Democrats, seeing the monster they had created, tried to get rid of them - whoosh! - invasion! I don't want it back, I don't know anyone who wants them back. Right now it is tolerable, but it won't be for very long, you will see!"

What exactly will change? Very little. An elected legislature, proportionally appointed by chambers of various professions and vocations, themselves created by the Council of MInisters with the approval of the President and elected by "professional associations" and "workers' associations" and even, oddly enough, "artisans' guilds," composed entirely of members of the National Front, if the format of the 1931 constitution is followed. An executive structured similarly to the present government, requiring the confidence of the legislature, albeit without the same expansive legislative powers. A judiciary, censorate, and council of examination left virtually unchanged, as they have been since their recreation in 1910.

In effect, the same old, same old - not of the Social Democrats, of course, but rather of past, "softly" authoritarian governments - the "Emergency Government" of 2003 after the devastating terrorist attacks on the country's government but before Social Democratic takeover, the Tiraki regime, and so on and so forth.

The perfect manifestion, then, of the "Internal Revolution," the government's expansive, nativist attempt to rid Istkalen of the last remnants of the Social Democratic regime.

Why all this? Why not simply establish a true democracy and gain the support of Europe?

As is perhaps obvious, the people of Istkalen do not want such a thing, and believe, now more than ever, that true democracy has failed; such a thing would thus cause instability. More than anything, the very purpose of the present government is to prevent such instability, now by removing the last dangerous influences of the Social Democrats, and, through the adoption of a nativist platform, the countering of the far-right. It wants to create an oasis of sorts in Eastern Europe, a non-aligned state in all ways separate from European geopolitical conflict and from the militarism that it sees as consuming the region as a whole. Instability would counter this all - it cannot have any of it. Indeed, it would prefer isolation to violence.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: The reviled Josephine Areai exempted from deportations of "non-citizen Social Democratic guest-collaborators" after begging for life before immigration board

Josephine Areai, the former State Elder of the former state of Eastern Haane, was and remains a highly controversial figure. Allowed to enter the country as a "guest" of the Social Democratic government (which she, famously, referred to as "the Republic" instead of "the Federation" during a Commission debate) as were hundreds of thousands of other refugees, she became one of the most high-profile "collaborators," as they were called in the common parlance - foreigners who, on the condition for support for the Social Democratic government, were given citizenship and power - although this was hidden from the public - as well as one of the most hated. The vast majority saw her as a symbol of the decline of Istkalen over the past two decades - of the mass infiltration of foreign ideas and culture, of the over-the-top despotism that the state had fallen into, and of extreme moral and cultural decay; her violent past further caused many to believe that she was further disgracing the country abroad and accelerating its already rapid turn away from normal governance.

Upon the Social Democratic self-coup of the 13th of April, her execution was near-immediately ordered, to massive support, providing a further surge in popularity for the new government. She would vanish, but as the nation became swept up in state-directed violence against "guests" and other forces that had kept the Social Democratic order afloat for its whole existence, the fervor for her execution exploded. Effigies of her were burnt; people who resembled her were often violently accosted, and in some cases killed. It was only the declaration of war that would intervene, with the extreme disorder, constant "evacuations" of population centers, and repeated purges resulting in the total collapse of institutions, and thus of the power that fueled the anti-Areai movement.

Upon the fall of the Social Democratic government on the 18th of April as a result of a coup, the interim government of Ilest Kerel, despite the unprecedented chaos and crisis that the country was experiencing, turned its attention to the continued suppression of the anti-Areai movement. Hundreds of its instigators outside of the state were rounded up, in the context of further purges of Social Democratic loyalists led by the military. Small protests began, but were almost instantaneously suppressed by force.

The new leaders of the state did not want their rule to be marked by chaos. They were men and women who, above all, desired order and cleanliness, and would do everything and anything to create and maintain both. The anti-Areai movement was the very definition of chaos; thus, in their eyes, it had to be destroyed, with remaining elements forcibly integrated into what remained of the ruined state apparatus.

We turn, then, to the present day. Almost 400,000 "guest-collaborators," if not more, are to be expelled within six months, by direct order of the President in an attempt to fulfill populist promises. At the top of the list was, predictably, Public Enemy Number One - Josephine Areai. Despite the collapse of the movement and the forced disappearances of its leaders, hatred for her remained alive and kicking, although not with the extreme ferocity that characterized it under the Social Democratic regime - that was largely reserved for the J-TAI.

After her failed Commission campaign, she had returned fully to public life, insofar as it was possible without her being assassinated by members of the public. It was thus relatively simple for her to be arrested and detained, on the 1st of August, where she would immediately begin protesting her fate.

Her argument was simple. She had survived crucifixion and escaped her home country because of the efforts of the "Thirteen Comrades," who rose to national leadership after the Reitzmic intervention in late 2020; with the total collapse of society and of civilization in general, mostly the result of the short lived "Catholic dictatorship" of the Reverend Father Jean-Pierre Antoine, who ruled using the "Thirteen Comrades" as a facade throughout the month of November of 2020, she claimed that she would be unable to survive there.

"They will eat me up," she said, in testimony given to the immigration committee responsible for her fate on the 14th of August. "There is nothing left there but the husks of what once were people. Everyone sane long has left. I can't go back, don't make me go back. I did this all, I know, through my hands did they create this hellscape; but I cannot die now. If I were to die now, I would not have paid for what I have done even by a morsel. I need to pay for what I have done, to give back what I took, to somehow repair what through me was broken. Don't make me go back, don't make me go back, they'll kill me, they'll kill me and roast me and eat me! Don't make me go back, don't make me go back!"

She would plead like this day after day, to her guards, to the immigration committee, and to virtually everyone who could hear. On the 28th, she seemed to have gone mad, screaming again and again about horrific pain, despite her being in perfectly fine physical condition and not having undergone any real stress since her flight from her home nation in early November of 2020.

Today, the immigration committee responsible, due to "the evident mental deterioration of the individual in question," as well as "potential health issues the individual may continue to experience as a result of the ordeals and extreme stress she has experienced" ruled that she would not be deported, resulting in massive public outcry. Protests have not been held, nor is it likely that they will be held - the J-TAI remains in power, and the Republic itself continues to frown on the anti-Areai movement - something significantly more powerful, given that it holds control over religion while at the same time having the ability to call upon what has been termed the "National Union" - that is, the popular idea that, because of the present crisis, citizens must rally around the Republic and uphold its structure and orders as well as possible, themselves taking the vigilante-like role of punishing those who refuse to comply.

However, the President is expected to comment, from exile in Spain, on the situation, as well as to offer guidance on the issue.

[Istkalen]

People's Daily: "Unfortunate" that Czech Slavia Ministry of Culture sees criticism of pre-1948 Czech capitalism as criticism of itself, says Íkrat

General Secretary Ilisapit Íkrat (formerly Romanized Ilisapit Iykrat) of our Communist Party of Istkalen recently received a threatening package from the Czech Ministry of Culture, after her poem cycle "Her Love," which is about the evils that "Mother Capitalism" forced on the Czech people before 1948, focusing especially on the 1918-1948 period, was judged criticism of the modern Czech state, which, while not considered socialist by the Party, is considered to be developing towards socialism, despite a number of errors on the part of the Socialist Republican Party.

Comrade Íkrat, in a statement from prison made in her official capacity as Minister of the Professions in the government of the Republic, addressed, among other issues including what she terms "the continued revision and outright falsification of historical events by the present government" and "the necessity of creating a society of free producers as to begin the process of constructing socialism," the threatening package.

"Let us now turn to less serious matters," she wrote. "I have received an unusual package from the Czech Slavian Ministry of Culture, as acknowledgement of my participation in a festival they held. Within this package is contained a death threat, in pictorial form, which appears to depict a man swinging an ice pick at what is, assuming form the unusual criticism that the Ministry of Culture gave my work, a caricature of of me."

"The reasoning for this disturbing package is related to the unusual criticism that my work was given. The Czech Minister of Culture appears to have interpreted the poem I submitted to the festival, a short work that criticizes Czech capitalism during the 1918-1948 period, as criticism of the Democratic Republic of Czech Slavia itself, its economic system, and of its President. Nothing could be further from the truth. There are deep flaws in all of these, but not so deep that they can be condemned in this way. I, as a member of the Party and in line with the principles of democratic centralism, do indeed hold to the official policy of the Party as regards Czech Slavia, made in the spirit of socialist internationalism, that:

• the socialist mode of production no longer exists in Czech Slavia

• due to the material conditions prevailing there, the Socialist Republican Party was right in allowing for private enterprise as an integral part of the socialist system in Czech Slavia

• due to the presence of a clique of capitalist roaders in the party, this project was undermined and resulted in increasing control of the international bourgeoisie over the economy of Czech Slavia

• due to the continued influence of genuine socialists in the Socialist Republican Party, the state can still be considered as progressing towards socialism."

"As a result, the interpretation of the poem presented by the Czech Minister of Culture could not be any further from the truth. I am a stalwart anti-capitalist and communist, who would not engage in petty sectarianism as he implies I would. While I do hold to the party line in supporting the Communist Party of Czech Slavia above the Socialist Republican Party, I do not necessarily oppose the Socialist Republican Party, merely believe that it has made mistakes and has enforced party discipline strongly enough; I certainly do not believe that it has brought, or intends to bring, to Czech Slavia the capitalist system I described in the poem!"

"Perhaps the Minister did make a mistake, but I cannot see how he could have. It is easy to distinguish between the "her" of the poem - "Mother Capitalism," the embodiment of capitalism, the maternal figure that capitalists claim capitalism is but also the cruel figure that capitalism in reality is - and the President of Czech Slavia, who, despite having made many mistakes, continues to provide strong leadership for her country, trying as best as she can to develop socialism there. It is even easier to see that the conditions described better fit the Czech lands before socialism, falling victim to consumerism and imperialism, represented by the yellow land and the plastic woman, than they do now. It is certainly a possibility that the Czech Minister of Culture indeed believes that the estimable President of Czech Slavia is similar to the embodiment of capitalism, and that he also believes that Czech Slavia is descending into the capitalism I have described, but let us hope that this is not true. Regardless, it is unfortunate that the Czech Ministry of Culture has interpreted my poem in such a way, and I do hope that they come to their senses. I'm sure that they do not want to send any more death threats - I certainly don't want to receive any more!"

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Government abandons constitutional project, calls for establishment of EU transitional authority to oversee elections to constituent assembly, rebuild state apparatus

For the past few months, true governance was absent in Istkalen. The civil service and bureaucracy had been gutted during the war; the establishment of the occupation effectively stopped any and all attempts to reconstruct it. The J-TAI itself was virtually unable to administer the country except in sudden convulsions of force, and even then could not pursue any definite policy aims; the Republic, on the other hand, relied almost entirely on organized vigilante justice in order to retain what little power it had. It did pursue a policy of radical social and economic reform, yes - but that was more or less and endorsement of a process that had begun with the fall of the Social Democratic government on the 18th of April.

There was nothing, then, but organized violence. Stirred up by clergy, instructed by the government through the Religion Council of the Republic of Istkalen, the only institution to survive the war relatively unscathed as a result of its importance in regards to control over society, to tell people that support for the J-TAI was an automatic ticket to the worst of tortures in hell, as well as that support for J-TAI was anything outside of active opposition to it, as well as by other organizations which participated in the institutions of the Republic, including the Women's Association and the Cultural Association of Istkalen, the people of Istkalen protested and resisted, often with violence. Supporters of the J-TAI were subject to extreme public harassment.

In one case, the staff of a local news agency, which published an article in support of the occupation, were forcibly laid off by order of the municipal government, before being stripped of their ability to work in the journalism sector, an action that was later extended to virtually everything except work that did not require a license to engage in on a professional basis - that is, manual labor. In another, a group of teachers who students claimed were supporters of the J-TAI were brought before an assembly of town residents, who proceeded to shout and scream at them for over ten hours. Their faces were placed on posters, labeled "TRAITORS TO THE NATION" and posted around the town. They were systematically denied service by virtually all business operating in the town, and their homes picketed daily. All eventually left because of the level of hostility displayed towards them. In one of the most egregious cases, a rural People's Committee decided that suspected J-TAI supporters were to have to carry bells with them, shaking them and shouting "Unclean! Unclean! Unclean!" so that people would avoid them, in a punishment taken directly from the Bible.

Alongside with the wave of "revolution" that swept across Istkalen in the initial month after the end of the war, which included the trying of thousands before what were little more than kangaroo "traditional" courts for "crimes against morality," "crimes against dignity," 'introducing foreign elements into the sacred culture of the nation, and "denying the people their rightful livelihoods," as well as a program of wealth redistribution fueled by vigilantism implicitly encouraged by People's Committees across the country, this was what passed for governance in Istkalen.

It is no surprise, then, that the Republic has abandoned its constitutional project. While the state of the civil service and bureaucracy is slightly better than it was at the beginning of the occupation, both remain severely underdeveloped. Without the "National Union" - the nationalist vigilantism that has upheld whatever remains of Istkalen's sovereignty over the past few months - they would be completely unable to administer the country. To push forwards with a new constitution would be pure folly; the country is already showing signs of disintegrating as the J-TAI appears to be readying itself for a withdrawal, which is predicted by most to end fully in May of next year, with the insanity of the Northern Radio continuing to go unchecked in the north and hysteria there getting worse and worse day by day. It was just yesterday that the rest of the country received news about a riot over illicit tomatoes; just last week that the Northern Radio denounced the current government as a "hive of Vards, who wear the skin of pure Istkaleners in order to hunt us down and eat us bloodily." With these conditions, a genuine constitution would be unenforceable; its passage, on the other hand, would create shockwaves enough to cause the total collapse of the Republic.

In lieu of the planned transition, however, the government has planned something far more radical.

"Upon the end of the occupation," said President Ikomar from exile in Spain, "the Government of the Republic of Istkalen will officially initiate a motion in the European Council to establish a transitional authority in our country. Our transition has failed; we possess neither the power nor the institutions to effect it. We must now turn to the European Union for aid, so that we may see the rehabilitation and restoration of our homeland."

The plan is for the European Union to manage government for between three months and a year. An interim "legislature," operating on the basis of consensus, would be established in the country, with one representative from each participating member of the European Union, including Istkalen; the present government of Istkalen would remain in place, with the same powers it has now, although it would be subject to "parliamentary" confidence. The primary responsibilities of the interim "legislature" would be to establish stable institutions of government and hold elections to a national constituent assembly, which would draft a new constitution. Upon the stable establishment of the new constitution, of stable government in general, and of peace, the legislature would be dissolved and full government would be handed to the people of Istkalen under the constitution they themselves developed.

The plan is surprisingly popular, likely because it preserves Istkalen's sovereignty, to an extent, and does not involve the imperialization of the country. Many believe it may be the best possible path, as it could result in the end of sanctions against Istkalen.

Updates will be forthcoming.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Koline pushes through project of reform as slow disintegration of the country continues

Minister of Finance Iskiris Koline, the longest serving finance minister in the history of Istkalen, in her fourth nonconsecutive term in that position, has spearheaded a radical and broad project for economic reform. Her focus, unlike many of her colleagues in government, is not on the structure of the economy. Despite her membership in the Radical Democratic Party, she has not pushed for the abolition of the producers' committees or even the much more controversial state occupational unions, although she has lent support for the ongoing attempt to reform these institutions as to abolish "feudal" hierarchies within them. She has instead attempted to return to the economy of the 1990s, amid internal chaos and the imposition of sanctions on Istkalen by Inimicus, Nofoaga, and Gadalland and Aspern, seeking partial deregulation combined with a strong commitment to the "traditional" organization of Istkalen's economy - the oft-mentioned "society of free craftsmen" or "society of free producers" - alongside the creation of temporary state-controlled "collectives," under the supervision of national or regional producers' committees, with loose economic plans for development uniting the whole. More controversially, Koline intends to place tariffs on foreign imports into Istkalen, especially on industrial materials, most notably steel and glass, while using deficit spending to invest massively into the development of industry to replace exports in the country. The primary goal of this program is to increase and augment employment while making Istkalen self-dependent and, eventually, a net exporter of goods.

Fiscally, the plan is to increase revenue as much as possible. Income taxes are to be raised for the very wealthy, while decreased or maintained at their present level for everyone else, from a flat tax of 20%. This is, however, to be accompanied by the implementation of what would be one of the highest VATs in Europe, at 25%, with exemptions made for certain goods and services considered essential, although municipal sales taxes have been ordered reduced to below 4%. Social taxes will also be raised, from presently 30% for the self-employed and, in collectives, 15% for individuals and 18% for the whole collective, to 35% for the self-employed and, in collectives, 20% for individuals and another 20% for the whole collective. The hated tax-in-kind will be maintained, primarily because of a continued inability on the part of the state to track economic activity, although it will be reduced in scope due to the continued expansion of banking and the so-called "digital Ketsel" introduced in 2019. The expectation is that this will reduce consumption of "foreign" luxury goods, while at the same time raising revenue for the Republic, which throughout the previous year was dependent almost entirely on what little money was sent "upwards" from People's Committees, which sporadically collected taxes as to fund their own operations and regional cooperation, allowing for the maintenance of the expansive welfare state amid the plan to increase spending as for development while not pushing the Republic into unmanageable debt.

Koline has also planned, with the support of the Central Bank of the Republic of Istkalen, a crackdown on the usage of promissory notes as private currency in the countryside, with the argument that it is stagnating economic progress in Istkalen by hampering the progress that banks can make in the area, largely by making operation extremely risky.

The primary effect of this reform has been the removal of the economic controls imposed by Kerel, although the welfare state that he created has remained largely untouched, as well as the increased involvement of the producers' committees at all levels of government, with, unlike even uner the most extreme phase of the shortlived Kerel government, all control over the economy vested in them, with the People's Committees playing no role whatsoever in them. Koline has referred to this, at varying times, as "self-government for the economy, "rational democracy in planning," Neither investment or taxation reforms have gone into place; even previous development programs have been halted, due to concerns over the burgeoning debt. More importantly, however, the reforms regarding promissory notes have caused unrest, with many arguing that without them, there would be no way to conduct trade due to the undeveloped state of financial infrastructure in the region. For the first time, protests are to be held against the Republic, perhaps a sign that it is stabilizing as a regular democracy, perhaps a sign that it is disintegrating.

Other controversies have arisen. Many have accused Koline of being hypocritical for arguing against ISI just a few months ago, while now advocating for it in her own country; she has responded by saying that "conditions in Istkalen are unique and not present elsewhere; regardless, I would not imagine taking money from the European Union to finance this endeavor." She has convinced very few of this argument, although she remains popular due to her acumen, now near-absent in the country as many have fled or gone underground. Others believe that the reforms are a waste of time, especially as food insecurity looms over the horizon, with crop failures across the country as a result of the volcanic eruption in Nofoaga and the extreme economic disruption caused by the war and later civil resistance,and that the government should be focusing more on ensuring that all are fed rather than on "abstract" economic reforms.

Still others argue that the reforms are an attempt to seize power from the People's Committees, which have become increasingly independent from the state as tensions and radicalism grow in the country; others argue that while they indeed are such a seizure, they do not go far enough, as the People's Committees have grown too radical and thus have become a threat to democracy and stability.

The most pressing question, however, is not of intent, nor of effects, nor of necessity. It is simply enforcement. With the state crumbling, and the J-TAI looming over the horizons, there is no way to actually implement the reforms fully apart from that which has already been implemented, simply because they are not popular enough to be made "active" through the "National Union," or, in other words, through pure vigilantism - something especially true given that the government has effectively lost control over the North to the Northern Radio, with the last institutions loyal to it - the producers' committees - largely in hiding. This is especially true given the even less popular reforms pushed regarding justice and law enforcement reform, which seek to control both as a result of their "wildness" over the past few months and force them into things approaching the institutions of a liberal democracy, which have been entirely ignored and have probably significantly reduced trust in the central government by the People's Committees.

On top of that, the J-TAI continues to loom over the horizon; there are again new rumors that, despite Inquistan recognition, which may in any case be revoked, the Republic will be dissolved, this time not merely the central government but genuinely local government as well. Such a thing would not merely leave the reforms unenforceable but would leave the country entirely paralyzed.

Regardless of what happens, these reforms and the reaction to them illustrate more clearly than ever that Istkalen is truly at a crossroads. Should it take the path to integration, or should it continue as it was, an isolated pariah state? Only time will tell which it will choose.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Producers' committees force calling of constituent assembly

In an emergency, evidently pre-planned meeting, the producers' committees voted to force the calling of a constituent assembly, citing "the deteriorating conditions in the Republic," as well as the "the failure of the present Basic Law to uphold the principles of republican government in Istkalen." The meeting, which lasted five hours, was denounced as a coup by several members of the cabinet, and was certainly illegal, as no provision for it exists in the interim, or "Basic," constitutional law of Istkalen; however, widespread popular support for the move, especially after the centrist turn of the present government, effectively forced its implementation.

The constituent assembly shall be formed of 700 delegates, 690 elected by proportional representation from 20 electoral districts, 5 appointed by the German Self-Government Council, 4 by the Turkic People's Self-Government Council, and 1 by the Finnic People's Self-Government Council. Only member-parties of the National Front may contest the election.

Upon taking office, the assembly will be the first in Istkalen to be elected according to any protocol approaching true proportionality. The legislative election of 1910 operated on the principle of equal representation for the 19 administrative districts of Istkalen, which varied significantly in population; all elections further on operated on an estatist (1911 - 1930, 1983-1985, 2002-2008, 2010-2021), syndicalist (1930-1959, 1985-1996, 2008-2010), or corporatist (1959-1983) model, all of which resulted in significant distortions between the popular feeling and the actual constitution of the elected legislature.

The hope of the producers' committees is that by holding an election which returns a legislature in line with the beliefs of the people, the existing tension in Istkalen between the People's Committees, the producers' committees, and the cabinet will be resolved.

Most parties have already prepared lists, as they were previously prepared to contest the planned elections to a constituent assembly that were to be held in June, but were cancelled by the Ikomar government due to instability. All parties presently polling above 5% are presented here.

Party	Ideology and Position	Symbol
Communist Party of Istkalen	A far-left to center-left party, the Communist Party of Istkalen includes most of the Marxist left, from "revisionist" social democrats to hardline communists, united only around a willingness to participate in electoral politics, distinguishing them from the Party of Labor, which was unwilling to and collapsed with the coup of 13 April. While moderate communists dominate the Party's leadership, its platform is vague and incorporates positions from the whole of the spectrum it represents, although it is considered in favor of nationalization of the economy and the creation of a decentralized, parliamentary model, which it terms the "model of the soviets," to manage it. The party is strongly anti-imperialist and for the creation of a multi-party democracy, which has made it popular in these times; more controversially, it has argued for the abolition of legal marriage and its replacement with "cohabitation," as well as the expansion of social services as to shift responsibility from the family to the state. It has, however, no experience in governance, except for a short period in 2002 which it spent as a member of a national unity government and now in 2021 where it plays a similar role
National Republican Party of Istkalen	The National Republican Party, a left-wing to centrist party whose official ideology is Liresian Democracy, (Liresianism is the majority religion in Istkalen) began as the center-left "Republican Movement of National Unity" in 1915, and entered government as the "Common People's Union" in 1930, staging a coup against the monarchy in 1946 and establishing a short-lived coalition government with the anti-electoral communist Party of Labor before ascending to uncontested power, where it would begin a radical policy of land and industrial reform, distributing land among individual farmers and state-recognized unions, while nationalizing or handing over to unions many mines and factories, while continuing to allow for private influence in the economy, largely in the form of individual, "dual," cooperative, and family proprietorships and businesses. It also, however, pursued a Westernizing and conservative social policy, encouraging the formation of traditional families while at the same time arguing for equality between women and men, mimicking more conservative communist parties. More unusually, it sought to strengthen the "partnership of labor" while highlighting the "traditional" role of women in the household while claiming all of this, at the same time imposing a policy of laicitism, causing many to accuse it and continue to accuse it of instability.The National Republican Party, during the years of "national" social democracy, moved significantly to the right under the leadership of Akem Linek, endorsing an economically liberal, national conservative, and authoritarian ideology, but, with his departure, has moved back to its roots. The party has significant experience in governance; with its turn back to the left, as well as its moderation on cultural matters, especially on LGBT+ rights, support for which has effectively become a prerequisite for membership in the National Front due to perceived international pressure, it has experienced a resurgence in popularity and trust.
Istkalener Agrarian Union	The Agrarian Union, a syncretic party, stands primarily for decentralization and the restoration of the what it claims to be a traditional economy of "free producers" - that is, of sole and dual proprietorships, as well as cooperative and family business, complemented by the widespread existence of mutual-aid groups, organized through well-established syndicates on the National Republican model. The Union is strongly opposed to nationalization and socialization, although not state intervention in the economy, and seeks a society where individuals are, in the words of its own platform, "free to pursue their own paths," but also have "responsibilities to society." It especially tries to advocate for smallholders, who it argues form the backbone of Istkalen's society and economy, as well as protect the environment, and argues for relaxed taxes and regulations on them in coordination with the imposition of tariffs on those products which they create. Socially, they are strongly in support of the subordination of the family to the partnership of labor, although they argue that both "create the social life of the nation. The Agrarian Union governed as an unofficial coalition partner to the National Republicans after the removal of the Party of Labor from government, its members officially listed as "independents," and thus is considered to have some experience in governing, but has continued to struggle to move beyond its rural base.
Green Party of Istkalen	The Green Party is a new party, which has gained significant popularity for its unorthodox politics and since the ascension of member Vistek Rikkalek to first the position of Emperor and second the position of Prime Minister. It seeks, primarily, the abolition of both producers' committees and estates for a "occupational union," or guild, based form of representation. The Green Party, unlike the Union Party, believes strongly in the natural equality of all people; however, it believes that, because of the royalist period of Relem, the partnership of labor has become the dominant partnership in the country, and thus that it, rather than the family, should be the center of society. This necessarily entails the adoption of a policy of radical "free love," alongside one protecting the "sanctity" of the partnership of labor against "foreign influences,' leading to them having been labeled both as conservative and progressive. Economically, their policy is similar to that of the Istkalener Agrarian Union; however, they are only for dual partnerships, and cooperation of said partnerships through the state occupational unions. They are focused on promoting traditional forms of production as superior, including crafts and smallholder agriculture, arguing that both do more to preserve both "humanity" and "the environment" in production, while at the same time believing that the state should do more to try to modernize and make more efficient both. They have little experience in governance, but, in the few portfolios given to them in the present cabinet as well as in the actions of the Prime Minister, have already shown themselves to be highly competent.
Istkalener Solidarity Party	The Solidarity Party is a syncretic political party which emerged in 1959 as a faction of the National Republican Party seeking liberalization of the economy on communitarian lines. They allowed for the establishment of small business, and were in the favor of the creation of a "petite bourgeoisie," but were also protectionist and strongly against the formation of anything beyond medium-sized companies. Nationalized enterprises were privatized; those under the control of the unions were either given to individuals or split off as cooperatives. Business sectors were represented in "horizontal" syndicates, which sought to represent all possible class interests and merge them in the context of a profession, while also facilitating economic cooperation and, in some cases, going as far as to issue economic plans. This organization was denounced as fascist, and indeed the Solidarity Partyat some point admitted to having borrowed the policy from the far-right; however, it combined with this a strong commitment to decentralization of power, democratization, and social progressivism. The Solidarity Party continues to hold to these same principles today; despite its policies having led to a disastrous period in Istkalen's history culminating in the reaction of Tiraki, it has experienced a recent resurgence in support due to its synthesis of Western and Istkalener ideas.
Radical Democratic Party of Istkalen	The Radical Democratic Party of Istkalen is a centrist, liberal party which argues for widespread privatization, reduction in taxes, and openness to foreign investment. Some have gone so far as to label it as libertarian, due to its lax position on the economy and on social matters; it has rejected this label, arguing that it is in support of a state-role in the economy, largely in ensuring a free market, as well as rights social and economic for workers. Initially a minor party, it has become popular among professionals with the ascendancy of Liros Ikomar to the Presidency, as well as for its advocacy for the establishment of a parliamentary system in the country, both of which are seen as stabilizing. However, the Radical Democratic Party, prior to Liros Ikomar, and, more importantly, the institution of the national unity government, has had no experience governing, and what little it has seen has been characterized by instability, which has driven many Istkaleners away from it.
Union Party of the Istkalener People	The Union Party is a center-right to right wing party, in favor of the establishment of an estatist system of representation and the restoration of the quasi-guild system that existed under the Social Democrats. They are highly technocratic, arguing that only "experts" must be able to ascend to any form of public office, and believing in a rationalized and planned economy with market characteristics as a way to increase efficiency. Socially, they are highly conservative, arguing that only men, or women who are man-like in temperment, should be able to work, with women relegated to the household, and "below" even the "husband's" partner in the so-called "partnership of labor." While this is a position somewhat similar to those of the National Republican Party and the Istkalener Agrarian Union, both of these parties are open to other forms of relationships and only highlight this, in the modern day, in the argument that the state must allow "one parent," without specifying gender, to take a role in the home rather than work as to support children. Their only experiment in governance was with Kerel, and was by large an unstable failure characterized by their inability to consolidate power over Istkalen, combined with extreme hypocrisy and general insanity. Support for them has rapidly declined; while it has stabilized, it is possible they may not make the 5% threshold.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Filth from Awakening

The Republic of Istkalen presents this to the people to reveal the true insanity of the Northern Radio. This filth was in one of their horrid magazines, "Awakening," which claims to help people attain political consciousness but in reality buries them, most of whom are already buried, under steaming piles of nonsense.

Read and laugh. Let us not take these insane ramblings seriously, but instead let them show how deranged the Northern Radio is, so that they may be revealed for the charlatans and lunatics they are.

---

On the 25th of June, long ago, the Copalan people woke up in shadow. The sun had been blotted out; hope was gone. The Reitzmic state had banned them, had, through decree, wiped them from legal existence. They were already dead, from the moment that that day dawned; there was no escape.

Old, young, it did not make a difference to the unthinking automatons of the Reitzmic army. Nicoleizians, Inquistan Orthodox, Haaneans - all alike were dragged from their homes and forced into buses. They did not know where they were going, they did not know what would be done with them. Such is the nature of midnight decrees, made in cover of darkness.

Secret image taken on the morning of the 25th of June, depicting the deportation of innocent Copalans to the New Saint Regina Internment Camp by members of the evil Reitzmic military.

In the months previous, there had been a graduaeescalation. The teachers in the schools were fired, and new ones direct from the Center, the Interior, were brought in to force Korean culture and Reitzmic political ideas on the innocent youth of Copala City. No longer was culture celebrated; only Reitzmag prevailed. Reitzmag now, Reitzmag then, Reitzmag forever, that was what it was.

It was a concerted attempt to snuff out Copalan culture. Copala could not prevail, there was only Reitzmag. For the glory of Reitzmag, Copala must die, and they accomplished that. They killed Copala. They sent its youth to die in war, brainwashed its people into forgetting their roots and becoming eternally faithful to their King, who they knew loved them eternally and with which they would repay him with eternal loyalty and service.

But the Copalans resisted, even as the insidious Reitzmic ideas slithered their way through their brains, corrupting them slowly, turning them against themselves. The Copalans resisted as their minds were taken from them by a supernatural force, resisted until finally the Reitzmic monster had eaten and consumed them, and all they were was but mush, excrement. And for that, they were driven away to a place where they would be broken down fully, turned into automatons themselves, lobotomized and going about life without thought, only with total obedience.

The trip to the internment camp where they would meet the end of their lives took three to five hours. Three to five hours on winding roads, going up and down, winding, bumpy roads, the bright summer sun shining down, the buses, overcrowded, stuffed to the brim with Nicoleizians and Inquistan Orthodox and others, less than cattle to the Reitzmic snakes, getting hotter and hotter. No food, no possessions but what could be hurriedly fit into a small backpack. No idea of what the destination would be, only the wide Reitzmic plains expanding on forever, a narrow strip of black before them leading beyond the horizon into further road, further plain, hills, plain, hills, plain....

Many collapsed. There was no water, and so much heat, and it was so crowded, people standing shoulder to shoulder, face to face, breathing on each other, trying to lean away but failing to. A crush; people sitting on each other. Someone fallen down on the floor, the limp, pale body surrounded by feet next to each other. Less room for everyone. Too much, too much, too much.

They would never reach civilization. Exhausted, they would stumble out before a great building, placed in the middle of wide plains, uninhabitable, marched to a fenced enclosure, and kept there.

Processing facility for new inmates at the New Saint Regina Internment Camp

Secret image depicted what is believed to be the enclosure in which Copalans were kept.

They could not leave; they would be shot if they did. They received no food, no water, no shelter. For three days did each batch of Copalans stay there; many collapsed there, of the heat, of the exposure, of many other things. The Reitzmics did not care. Eventually they were moved to another part of the internment camp.

Secret image depicting lodgings for approved emigrants, for Inquistan Orthodox.

Alleged lodgings for non-Inquistan Orthodox approved emigrants

THey were divded into approved - those who had become fully Reitzmic - and unapproved. The unapproved were kept with the approved for a few days, but outside; they were then moved back to the enclosure. Some were allowed to return; the fate of the others is unknown.

The approved took lessons - political and cultural reeducation lessons - here for two weeks, living on little. It was a camp for them, said the Reitzmics, to prepare them for New Anastasia City. A gift from the King to them. They should be grateful. It was here that many fell out. They were sent back to the enclosure, or made to stay a little longer.

Those who were trusted by the state were allowed to proceed. They were then sent to an airstrip to be taken to the United Duchies.

Alleged image of the airstrip "terminal"
ue
Citizens, do you see this? Citizens, do you understand what happened here? It is the strategy of the Reitzmic regime for subjugating their colonies! It is the strategy that is being applied to us now!

Do you not see it? they have already locked down our country, they have already begun their infiltration into our minds with their witchy, serpent powers! It has begun, and now it cannot be stopped! They will force us all into camps, we too weak because of their incantations and serpent deviousness! We must overcome serpent spells! We must overcome serpent magic! We are humans, we have been given dominion over the serpents and the wolves who torture us constantly! We can strike them down with the magic of the Supreme Being, with which we are all imbued but do not know due to the illusions and spells of the serpents and the terrible efforts of the wolves.

Was it not said in the Book? "Lo, and there I saw, the shining cross on the hill struck by the moon; and great streams of blood issued from the ground, For it was written that the dark earth would turn red and shining when the fire of evil destroyed itself. The priests of Jevad screamed, for in their evil actions they had condemned themselves, and thus they turned, each, into serpent. Fourteen serpents issued from where the priests of Jevad were standing, their robes struck by the light of the moon and turned to sackcloth, falling on the ground wet with blood and themselves wetted, so that they were made red and wet. And the serpents slithered, ho, across the wettened ground, and themselves became wettened with the blood of the earth; and they were red, as it was written. The cross itself became two serpents, which were bound to each other by a bright rope; and bound they did remain because of the light of the moon. And thus the serpents became bound by the blood of the earth, and the great Supreme Being pronounced holy judgement. Let us rejoice!"

It is clear that the prophecies are revealing themselves, by the grace of the Supreme Being. The Reitzmics and Vards are turned to their true forms, of serpent and wolf, by their own works reflected by that concentration of their activities, and they are left bound to carnality and forced into an eternal and torturous cycle.

Let us rise up, ho, and defeat the serpents and the wolves for the final victory of the nation, so that we may be freed completely and totally, becoming the light and removing the shadow which proceeds from the darkness.

[Istkalen]

Northern Radio: PROCLAMATION OF THE IMPERIAL REALM OF ISTKALEN

(OOC: Little violence will actually come out of this - this is really just posturing, for the most part)

We have been oppressed by the South and by the occupation too long. They have conspired to destroy our nation, so that they may devour our flesh and make the rest of us unthinking slaves, animals for them to use as they wish, abusing endlessly. They think themselves superior to all else; they think themselves the masters of the world. We must tear them down; we must ensure the independence of our nation and of our people in eternity, through violence if necessary.

The wolves and the serpents are to be driven out by the force of the sun; with them shall burn the collaborationists, who shall die the most horrible of deaths for their sins and crimes against our nation. Then may we become a nation one, great, and independent; then may we accomplish our rebirth.

Forwards, Istkaleners! Forwards to the liberation of our nation, forwards to the great renaissance of our people! Strike the occupiers and the country-sellers down without mercy, let their blood cover the streets. Spare none. The nation must be purified with their deaths, for, to be strong, it cannot have the ranks of the weak and the traitorous among it. All of its members must be strong and energetic, willing to die for its cause and its defense.

From Kirelesille, our new Imperial Realm, the restoration of our national glory, is proclaimed for the unity of the people and the purity and greatness of the nation! Our Emperor, our leader, is the patriot and prophet Andres Liiv, who has led us through these terrible times and now will lead us to the light and the eternal glory! Let us praise him, praise him endlessly, praise him, and be devoted to him, for he shall liberate us all! Praise upon His Majesty, infallible and blessed, praise, endlessly praise, praise!

We will allow twenty-four hours for the patriots of Istkalen to join us in our fight. Those who do not help us will be struck down. Rally behind the leadership of our leader His Majesty the Emperor Liiv, so that you may become free as a member of the most glorious and blessed nation to ever exist!

[Istkalen]

State Announcements for Kirelesile

Kirelesile is the primate city of Istkalen, with a population of 7.1 million - by far the largest, as well as the most economically productive. State Announcements serve as a bulletin, contributed to both by the government and by the people, although it is screened by the Ministry of Communications before publication. It is presently the only permitted publication in Istkalen.

General Reminder: Citizens are to be vigilant for terrorist activity, especially by the so-called Imperial Realm and the Reformed Social Democratic Party. It is the responsibility of every Istkalener to defend the integrity of the nation and of the Republic.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration against the confiscation of mines on the part of the occupying forces. Attendance is limited to 50; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration in favor of syndicalist-style reform to government in Istkalen. Attendance is limited to 100; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration against the prohibition of promissory notes. Attendance is limited to 40; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

The Congress of Producers of Kirelesile will be meeting today at 16:00. The meeting will be broadcast on television, as well as livestreamed on the Municipal Government online service provided by the central government. Citizens will not be allowed to attend the meeting in-person due to concerns about the safety of the members of the Congress.

Due to the severe food crisis as a result of the volcanic eruption in Nofoaga, rations are to be reduced, at a level to be announced by the Congress of Producers.

Housing Cooperative 46 has eight open units, which are 80 ketsel-ir a month. Please contact [email protected] if interested.

We of the Department of Political Science of the University of Kirelesile are conducting a study regarding the effects of propaganda, primarily regarding the Northern Radio. Contact [email protected] for further information.

....

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek begins radical program of reform
Authorized by the Ministry of Communication - regards essential release of important information that cannot be conveyed through other channels

Vistek Rikkalek, in his first day as Head of State, in an effort to reconstruct the Republic and the nation, has turned the Internal Revolution on its head and steered the country on a new path - that of "non-aligned socialism." This is not the socialism of the UNSR or Czech Slavia - that is, it is not a socialism of control - but rather a socialism of democracy, whose meaning, in Rikkalek's own words, is "not the abolition of the classes or the creation of some new society but rather reforms to our economy and country so that both serve the common people rather than an elite." In particular, the "non-aligned socialism" of Rikkalek will not attempt collectivization or nationalization - it will instead attempt what he refers to as "a direct socialization," in which business is subordinated to the interests of the whole through the introduction and strengthening of new decentralized and collective institutions.

"Our conception of socialization," he said in the unveiling of the new ideology, "is not one which involves ideas of all sharing, of all holding all the wealth as a collective. Our conception of socialization does not involve putting industry under the state or any government. More than anything, rather than control, it regards motivations. Our socialization seeks the end of selfishness in the economy - it intends, through the creation of binding fraternities of workers - not the state occupational unions but rather more decentralized and egalitarian organizations, managed by the producers' committees, to gradually subordinate the interest of the individual to that of the whole, without ever touching the way in which property is owned or in which production is controlled and managed."

There is a strongly traditional and organic aspect to "non-aligned socialism," primarily in regards to the aspects of political organization and the forms of business that are to be allowed to exist in the new Istkalen. In particular, Rikkalek's conception of the producers' committees, which are to form what he terms "people's syndicates," involve this. In more common forms of socialism, institutions like the "people's syndicates" - democratic institutions founded on labor that encompass the whole of the working class - form the state and represent the people, removing institutions they feel are unjust. while acting to Rikkalek, however, argues that the people's syndicates will be collective institutions which will, while forming the state, primarily act to bind people together, rather than to represent them, although representation - thinking of the collective rather than a mass of disconnected individuals - will be one of their purposes. In essence, they will be communitarian and traditional, rather than progressive and individualistic. In addition, only traditional forms of business - "free workers," families, and the collectives they may form - will be permitted - an obvious invoking of nationalism and, again, traditionalist communitarianism, rather than anything socialist in nature. There is also an obsession with the worth of manual labor especially, considered the moral backbone of Istkalen - but this seems more or less cosmetic in nature - Rikkalek himself is a member of the intelligentsia, and has previously advocated for policies that benefit all sectors of society equally rather than merely manual workers.

However, in many ways, the ideology is also revolutionary. The nationalism it invokes is not that of Ikomar, with his ethnocentrism, or Kerel, with his statism, but rather one that cannot really be defined by traditional words. Istkalen has no common culture, nor any dominant culture - culture, thus, cannot be invoked. It has no common or dominant language that is native to the country - language, thus, cannot be used. It has no dominant ethnicity - ethnicity cannot be used. The only thing that all of its people share is history, and thus Rikkalek has decided to invoke history, alongside a vague idea of the "solidarity of peoples," in order to create his new nationalism. In particular, he has chosen to portray Istkalen before Relem as almost a utopia regarding race relations, in which all lived equally and beside each other, doing their part. It is this which he argues forms "the nation," and thus this that he wishes to return to. There is, as such, no focus on statism, no exclusionism, but rather one on binding people together based on the idea of shared history and interdependence - a continuation of the theme, one could say. At the same time, it definitely seeks a greater egalitarianism - it condemns "selfishness," and thus the accumulation of extreme wealth, as well as the economic exploitation, especialy within family businesses and certain collectives, that was endemic to Istkalen before the Social Democrats, and seeks the creation of a new society where all are made equal through solidarity and shared norms.

Non-alignment is an important idea that does not fall into either of these categories. Rikkalek, like Ikomar, wants to bring Istkalen outside of regional conflict, having it pursue a policy solely in its own interest, and seeks to give it a national ideology that is able to be reconciled with those of the outside world. In particular, he wishes to distance it from the ideologies of the outside world, creating a new one for Istkalen, a well as pursuing pragmatic policies in regards to foreign affairs rather than ideological ones.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: "Istkalen is the most progressive country in Europe," claims Council of Ministers

The Council of Ministers today released a statement claiming that Istkalen is the most progressive and modern country in Europe.

"Istkalen has long been at the forefront of social progress in Europe. It has never been held back by so-called 'traditional morals;' it has always raced into the future. We are a nation, a society, far more advanced in terms of social and civil rights than any other....Even in the most progressive of the European societies, patriarchal institutions continue to exist. The woman, in the family, is expected to give up her rights in society - her work, her independent life- and become totally dedicated to her husband and to her children. When she chooses to work, she is treated much more poorly than any other. She is asked constantly whether she is ignoring her children, whether she is contributing to social decline. She is disrespected in the workplace; she is asked, constantly, to answer difficult questions that are asked to no one else. She is caught in a constant cycle of guilt and despair. In Istkalen, there is no difference between woman and man. Both act as producers equally; none are ever asked questions, none are ever made to feel regret for working, that most natural expression of human creativity and strength. Childcare is the work of the community, rather than of a single sex; all participate, and none shirk. We are thus confident in saying that there is absolutely no sexual inequality in the Republic of Istkalen," the Council claimed, perhaps outrageously. The movement for women's equality began in Istkalen only with the rise of Tiraki, and even then was hampered in the countryside until the rise of the Social Democrats, who were able to impose the policies on the countryside; even then, they remained, until a few days after the invasion of Istkalen, in a horrific condition in the German territories of Istkalen ruled by he Patriotic Front; to this day, while they have won a great number of rights, in that area there remain restrictions on their ability to travel and work, although far from odious compared to the policies from before, which put them under virtual house arrest and deprived them of virtually all rights.

The statement also addressed the issue of LGBT rights. Istkalen, until very recently, was poor on this issue; while only same-sex "partnerships of labor" were permitted until the 18th of April, with marriage banned, morality laws in place prohibited homosexuality and "deviant" gender expression, carrying a penalty of up to five years in prison. In the German territories, this was completely untrue; people were expected to marry between the ages of 14 and 16, and could face severe reprisals for not doing so; virtually any act of a sexual nature outside of procreation was punishable by stoning, including the wearing of clothing which revealed even a small amount of skin (for women, including the face, for men, not), the act of going outside unaccompanied (for everyone), and putting one's hands into one's pockets. These policies have since been abolished, but their effects continue to last. The Council, however, virtually denied this and claimed that Istkalen was a veritable utopia for members of the LGBT community.

"In Istkalen, all consensual acts are legal. It is a very free society; people are not, and have not been for a very long time, bound to any institutions, or ridiculous 'traditions,' except those which ensure mutual respect and solidarity. People have been able to conduct themselves as they wished in a manner of respect throughout the ages. There are no thoughts about purity or respect to nonexistent spirits in the sky. No one will go around and scream at you because you have disrespected - oh no! - their precious idols or the ghosts and supernatural forces they have an unhealthy obsession with. In fact, very few people would care at all, unless if an act was against the principles of mutual respect and solidarity. Yes, there is a 'partnership of labor;' but this regards the organization of labor alone. It does not affect or bind the people of Istkalen in any other manner. There is also, too, a religion of sorts, but it is not a religion which ascribes anything to immoral gods who are respected solely because they are so-called gods or spirits or whatever; it is a religion which is devoted to virtue, reason, and labor - represented as constituting the heavens. It is clear we are a totally liberated society in this regard, far more liberated than other societies, even those societies which are constantly lauded as being 'liberal.'"

The statement then, most audaciously, claimed that Istkalen had the "most democratic art culture in Europe:"

"In Istkalen, art is totally controlled by the people. We have no authorities which determine what art is; art is the people's realm of authority, and the people's realm of authority alone. We indeed have artists and an intelligentsia, and we do support both; but the state promotes no specific cultural agenda. Everything produced by the people is supported, and thus, rather than conforming to ostentatious styles as in other countries which seek to claim that they are great at the expense of their citizens, or too simple styles, there is a great diversity of styles and creativity in Istkalen, allowing all talents to demonstrate themselves fully and putting the people in charge. We have the most democratic art culture in Europe; no one can claim to be freer in this regard than us."

In reality, art in Istkalen has been subject to censorship on and off; while under Rikkalek there has been rapid liberalization, under Ikomar it continuously was subject to regulations, which were continuously lifted and put back in place, or suddenly changed dramatically. Similarly, the Social Democrats and the Communists before them were in favor of 'looseness' in the art world; the "democratic" governments of 1973-1983, as well as the National Republicans, were however in favor of a very strict definition of "folk art." Yes, it is democratic now; but it is strongly influenced by anti-democratic policies that existed in the past.

The statement would continue to go on and on about the various freedoms people enjoy in Istkalen, again and again exclaiming that Istkalen was and is far better and freer than any other society or country in Europe. At the end, it seemed to tire even its writers, who were clearly giving up on their argument. While there is certainly great truth to their statements, especially in the post Social-Democratic society, where women and men are indeed largely equal and a spirit of liberation in all spheres of life prevails, they ignore many of the continuing inequalities, whether between the sexes, between sexualities, or ethnicities, as well as the effects of past repression on current culture.

In the end, the whole thing was a hilarious exercise in propaganda which no one is likely to believe entirely, even if there is a grain of truth in it (as is true for all good propaganda).

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek aligns state policy on occupation towards that of population

As Head of State, Vistek Rikkalek has pioneered radical new policy. While he is accused of being a crypto-social-democrat, largely due to his ideology of "non-aligned socialism," which shares certain characteristics with the Social Democratic ideology, largely in the area of social and economic organization, he has been the first of Istkalen's leaders since 1798 to not attempt to rewrite history in their favor or engage in totalitarian projects of social planning, and instead to acknowledge what already exists; in essence, a breath of fresh air for the people of Istkalen.

His policy in regards to the occupation follows this pattern. In opposition to the generalized antipathy of Kerel and the ambivalence of Ikomar, Rikkalek has decided to align the state towards the beliefs of the population - that is, ambivalence or mild support for the Reitzmic side of the occupation (particularly since the dramatic shift in policy beginning in mid-August), and strong opposition towards continued Vardic presence, although he has not sought to court the extremist racist beliefs now held by many Istkaleners in regards to them.

Today, while unveiling this policy besides a more minor reform to the apprenticeship system (an alternate form of vocational education), Rikkalek gave a four-hour long speech condemning Vardic actions in Istkalen, denouncing the Vardic government as "imperialists," "thugs," and "hypocrites."

"Over the past few months, the people of Istkalen have been constantly attacked and threatened by a group of thugs, who have used their so-called 'authority' to pillage and loot this country. They cannot be brought to justice; the state has no control over them. If it took any action, the nations of Europe would unite firmly against it, and crush it, allowing this gang, this mob, to run amok. They continue to stand by these monsters, you see, despite all they have done, all they have stolen, and condemn those who were merely misled and have now changed their course. Why? From them they have oil, from them they have protection for their precious, precious trade, and their precious, precious money. To them, human life, human happiness, is less important than the pursuit of profit," said Rikkalek about two hours into the speech.

"And so we have been tortured, constantly, the rest of the world silent. We must now stand up. Not violently, not violently; that would allow them to dismiss us before the public, and thus allow this situation to continue; but peacefully. Protest instead of war; words instead of weapons. We must make ourselves heard, so that the public of Europe knows, and, in that knowledge, demands an end to this horror. This inhumanity cannot be tolerated anymore."

"What we want is the return of dignity of our people and our nation; an end to the theft and the lawlessness, an end to this inhumanity. The mines, stolen from the hardworking and moral people of Istkalen, who were thrown out onto the street by the goons of Nylund and his government of criminals, must be returned, along with all else they have illegally seized and taken back with them to sell off. The destruction that was done to the environment in the pursuit of profit, in pursuit of the fulfillment of their insatiable desire for minerals, must be repaid for. They destroyed; they must now make reparation, to those and that whom and they harmed."

"We more than anyone else in all Europe understand reparation. As a nation, we did wrong, and for that we must repay. We have tried to repay; and we have failed because the thuggish government of Nylund refuses anything other than the permanent humiliation of our people and their subjugation to the interests of capital. Wrongs cannot be repaid with more wrongs; we make repayment not as the fallen being punished, but as the reborn making amends, as an equal, for what was done in a past life. Again, we demand that the government of Nylund itself makes reparation for what it has done, nothing more, nothing less. We do not demand that we be given the right to steal from the Vards, we do not demand that they humiliate themselves before us; we demand only reparation and an end to this."

"But we know they will not agree to this. They will never agree to this. They are a government of thieves, imperialists, and hypocrites. They will speak at length about their dedication to sustainability, ethicality, and a green world; but they turn around and they exploit others in other countries without any regard for any of these. It is clear they care about nothing but money, power, and fame; not about sustainability, and certainly not about ethicality. They are obsessed about themselves; they would kill millions if it meant they could hold on to their miserable positions. If they do not prove us wrong, it is the responsibility of the honest people of Vayinaod to bring them down for their terrible crimes and their total lack of morality."

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Republic of Labor - its history, and its portent for our future

Istkalen has long been a highly polarized society. The country, ever since 1946 and the return of exiles, carrying with them different cultures and different languages from that they left with, has been incredibly unequal, with the division between the rural Kitetois and "indigenous peoples" and the returned being the most salient example of this. Yet this inequality was never dealt with; for decades it was in fact encouraged. Successive governments of Istkalen argued that every person had their role, the implication being that the rural Kitetois had the role of farming, the urban that of ruling, the "indigenous peoples" that of participating in the rural handicraft industries, and the exiles that of creating the modern industry of Istkalen. This "policy" ended only with the rise of the communists in 1985, and even then they were mostly urban Kitetois who adopted a policy of "color-blindness," in effect ignoring the issue entirely. During this period, there was a simple solution, in the minds of all of these governments - to restructure Istkalen on the lines of vocation. Vocations were indeed de-facto racially segregated - again, the Kitetois farmed, the "indigenous peoples" made handicrafts, and the returned helped modernize the urban areas of Istkalen - but organization through them, in theory, would force people to think in relation to their interests as a member of a vocation rather than a race, and also to see life through the lens of labor rather than culture or family.

This was a policy that failed utterly. People continued to think through the lens of ethnicity, and, as time went on, the inequalities in society became more and more obvious. It was only the Social Democrats who ended the whole situation, through policies near barbaric in nature. They recreated the guilds and the estates in their entirety, but, more importantly, sought to totally remove any aspect of life outside of labor. Families were forcibly separated; a new partnership, based on that which the exiles had brought with them, was promoted in their place - a partnership, obviously, that was primarily economic in nature. Housing was forcibly demolished, particularly in the slums, which were cleared almost entirely in the space of two years; it was replaced by cheaper dormitories and monastery-like buildings in which thousands lived in cells, sharing most things, all of which was located near, if not within, workplaces. Even worship was abolished; through the Religion Council of Istkalen; a new atheistic "Cult of Labor" was created, in which people praised such things as "the Spirit of Industry," "the Spirit of Creativity," "the Spirit of Thrift," and so on and so forth. There was a certain freedom in this - the abolition of marriage had led to the rise of an almost anarchic environment in regards to procreation - but this was constrained by so-called "public decency laws," which severely punished vaguely-defined acts which were purely up to the interpretation of the police. However, it was largely through this anarchy that children were born during this time, although this complicated child-rearing (they were raised by the members of the dormitory or building, collectively, in which one agreed-upon participant lived, or simply in state-run orphanages).

Istkalen, after experiencing several years of relative peace under this authoritarian system, now stands without it, and thus open to the ethnic tensions of before. In particular, these were stoked by Ikomar, a Kitetois nationalist who attempted the expelling of several hundred thousand people, as well as Kitetois dominance in political and cultural policy, leading to outcry among virtually everyone else which, coupled with extremely unpopular policies sponsored by Minister of Finance Iskiris Koline and repeated crop failures, caused the rise of the Imperial Realm of Istkalen.

In the aftermath of this failure, Istkalen, under the direction of Rikkalek, stands to turn back to a moderated version of Social Democratic policies. In the whole of the post-1798 history of Istkalen, they were the only able to construct anything near close to being a national identity, even if it was through incredible force; while this identity rapidly collapsed, it is not unreasonable to believe that this was more or less because of their re-introduction into society, by such forces as Ikomar and the Northern Radio, more than anything. They thus serve as perhaps the most successful model for development and stability in Istkalen, one which, through their totalitarian policies, has been made effectively permanent. It is simply not advisable to go down any path other than that which they have set.

In effect, Istkalen will once again become a "Republic of Labor," with the totality of its society focused around labor. This will not be, fortunately, so radical - in the few months of the occupation, life has gone on in much the way that it was under the Social Democrats. The Cult of Labor remains the largest religion; a total of three traditional marriages have been conducted in this time, and most "de-annulled" marriages have had their members quietly "re-annul" them. While official rhetoric and policy has sought to de-Social Democratize the country, the effects of their rule, as well as the fact that many of their policies pre-2017 were popular, have made this virtually impossible.

There will be, however, certain changes. Rhetoric has changed to favor "socialism;" it is unlikely that the same emphasis on traditional institutions will be made under Rikkalek. The lack of militarism is also a great change; while under the Social Democrats, the prevailing thought was that the whole of the nation was in some way or another a member of the military, Rikkalek appears to be following in the footsteps of his short-lived predecessors and ensuring a more pacifist course for Istkalen. The liberal attitudes towards society which developed after the invasion are also likely to stay; there has simply been too much change in the country for the forced imposition of the conservative policies of the Social Democrats, and regardless Rikkalek himself appears to believe that unity through ancestral bonds and labor is more important than through united traditionalist norms.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Most incompetent government in Istkalen's History

With the deployment of European peacekeeping forces, as well as the official creation of the new Republican Defence Forces, a joint endeavor between the Republic and the J-TAI, it seems as though Istkalen will recover quickly from the turmoil that took hold of it; and yet this is far from true. Ultranationalism remains alive and well; the racism, particularly against Vards, provoked by the Northern Radio remains. Paramilitaries continue to operate in the countryside, and have carried out a number of attacks on important roads and reserves of food, further pushing the country headlong into disaster.

This is but a trend for the new "Republic of Labor" of Rikkalek, a false republic which postures without acting.

While the government speaks of ethnic reconciliation, none of it has actually happened. The government remains dominated by urban Kitetois. The same goes for its new rhetoric on "peasants" and "craftspeople;" the government has indeed made some concessions to them, particularly with the abolition of the state occupational unions and the relegalization of promissory notes, but has not actually done anything further than this. Dr. Koline remains Minister of Finance; while she has moderated under the pressure of Rikkalek, she remains a strong advocate for the adoption of more liberal policies in Istkalen, fiercely resisted, largely because they are unable to compete with foreign business, by the smallholder "peasants" and craftspeople that the government claims to represent.

The same goes for the issue of the failed "National Union." With the creation of a weakened military-style self defense force (still not on its legs), as well as the recent strengthening of the Administration of State, Public, and Internal Security, which played a pivotal role in preventing Istkalen from collapsing before the deployment of peacekeeping forces, the issue seems to have been largely resolved. Yet, again, the attitudes it helped create are still alive, and the state is taking few measures to suppress them. The National Union still stands; mob mentality continues to rule, in spite of all that has been done. Not even some violence on the part of the "Republican Defense Forces" will make it fall; such violence would merely cause the people to unite even further around the general insanity of the Union and the Imperial Realm. Rikkalek has realized this, but not that there is an alternate solution to the issue; he has instead opted not to act at all. He appears to believe that the arrival of a buffer between the various forces in Istkalen - the peacekeepers - will prevent any more violence, but he is, in all seriousness, wrong. His policies have indeed weakened the National Union to the point that the arrival of peacekeepers would cause it to collapse entirely in most areas - that is what arresting the leaders of a movement and cracking down on all of its activities, before endlessly propagandizing about it, does - but they have not weakened it to the point that it would perish entirely. Parts of it would survive, as we are seeing even now, and fight violently. Nationalism is never rational; this is not an exception. And yet Rikkalek does not care. He seems to believe that reason and science can overcome any problem - but these people are beyond reason. What must be done is terrible, but it is necessary. These people cannot be killed, for that would create martyrs. They cannot be picked off one by one, deported or sent to mysterious places; that would do the same. They must all be gotten rid of at once, in a violent force, but secretly. The state must make it seem as though they have merely faded away, slowly. In essence: they must die, all at once, every single one; but their deaths must be concealed form the public.

But action will not be taken. Rikkalek is soft. The actions taken against the "National Union" are all posturing, nothing else, just as everything else is about this government. What can be expected? Half of his government is still in prison, the other half is scattered across the country and the world. Some of them are growing old and are suffering from mental decline; others are young and blinded by their idealism. There is no in-between. As for he himself - he is an idiot unable to make any decisions, who goes around and makes rambling speeches without any substance. He is young, very young, but acts like he is an elderly man suffering from dementia.

This is not the only critical issue he has ignored, however. There is the issue of the family. Now, I, the columnist; I want a family, a good family, very much; but I cannot find a wife because of Rikkalek. He and his government promote immoral policies which are against the family, just as Kerel did, just as the Social Democrats did. Under him there will be no change. The nation will die if this is to continue; and yet Rikkalek does not care, he just goes on because he derives pleasure from torturing people in ths way, as well as from the license he gives himself to engage in all manner of activities.

There is also the issue of the famine. There is very little food in Istkalen, as of now; it snows constantly, and all the plants, all the crops, have gone dead. The smallholders, virtually all the farmers, their livelihoods have been wiped out, and soon ours will as well. People cannot survive without agriculture; the craftsmen must have their raw materials, and we must have our food, Under Rikkalek, who sits in his ivory tower and talks about nonsense constantly, we will have neither.

This is a terrible government we live under. They don't care about the people, they don't care about anyone. They are bringing back the Social Democrats, but now worse - at least the Social Democrats, despite their corruption, despite their bloodthirstiness, wanted the people to thrive. Rikkalek is probably so stupid and incompetent he doesn't even know who the people are, save for those who engages in all wildness with.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Ikomar, from house in Madrid, accuses Rikkalek of staging crisis in order to take power

The discredited former president of Istkalen, Liros Ikomar, ousted after pushing forward unpopular ethnocentric and out-of-touch policies, has claimed that the recent crisis in Istkalen was staged by Rikkalek in order to dissolve the People's Committees and centralize power around himself, citing Rikkalek's claim made earlier today that "outright violence has largely ended in the territory of the Republic" as proof that the whole of the crisis was either fake or done by actors beholden to Rikkalek.

"I remain the rightful President of the Republic of Istkalen," said Ikomar, speaking from a balcony jutting out on a busy Madrilenian street, to a small audience of members of the Istkalener diaspora. "My impeachment, as well as the earlier removal of powers from my person, did not occur as according to set out procedures; they were both acts orchestrated by Rikkalek in order to concentrate power in himself. This, I know, is shocking, unbelievable. The words that come from my mouth seem more like conspiracy theories spouted by the insane rather than the truth. But, I assure you, it is the truth. He was a power hungry man; but we believed he was the face of the new Istkalen, of hope, from this proclamation, and it was a result of this that I made the grave mistake of appointing him Prime Minister. There he gained control over the ministers, and engaged in sinister plots with them and the producers' committees to stage a self-coup. I came to know of this only by overhearing a conversation between Rikkalek and one of the Ministers of Defense. This happened on the 9th of September. The next day he had someone defame me in the state-owned news. What was reported was only partially true. It was an accurate picture of the situation several months ago, but was not at that point, nor is it accurate now. Things had calmed down, significantly, and the Republic had re-asserted authority. But we had no plans to establish a transitional authority in the country. The next day, he had Dr. Koline push through a nonsensical reform to create opposition to me, after which the producers' committees voted through a plan for the holding of a constituent assembly - a terrible idea in the present political climate."

"On the 16th of September, the Northern Radio proclaimed the Imperial Realm of Istkalen. At that point they were a force of five running around in the woods, but Rikkalek had so degraded support for the Republic, or rather my person, that the people began again to support them. This meant nothing in the long term, and most of what was predicted did not come to pass. Life continued as normal. It was at this point that I was illegally de facto deposed as President, and a few days later, after the government ran around screaming about how the country was disintegrating, which was entirely untrue, that I was de jure deposed."

"And now, after he has restructed the state around his person, in such a way as to ensure he holds onto his precious power for as long as possible, taking some of my popular policies - in particular, my policies surrounding the organization of the economy - and combining them with extreme authoritarianism, totalitarianism, in fact, before telling lies and claiming that I was an evil neoliberal and racial supremacist. For the record, neither are true. I am opposed to neoliberalism; it is not appropriate for Istkalen. My economic policies were the exact same - and I am not joking, not exaggerating - as those of Rikkalek, with the exception of the belief that the person exists solely as a member of a collective. Neither am I a racial supremacist - I merely attempted to acknowledge the fact that Kitetois is the lingua franca of Istkalen, and Rikkalek and his cronies have gone around and claimed that I am somehow evil and oppressing the other ethnicities of Istkalen. It all is slander!"

"Rikkalek gained his power through a coup, a coup based entirely on lies. He manufactured dissent and crisis, and when it was all done he was able to, with just a few words, call an end to it all. He now intends to use the EU, and the J-TAI, to uphold his tyranny. Stand against him! He must be removed, and the rightful government restored!"

Rikkalek has denied the accusations, arguing that it is indeed true that violence had largely ended in Istkalen - the declaration of the Imperial Realm meant effectively nothing, and the arrest of top instigators of violence in the early Republican period had served as preventation - and that this is not a result of him saying anything. He also claimed that Ikomar "has gone insane," and that his words are "that of a man who cannot accept the fact that he was incompetent, and removed because of that incompetence." However, he made one concession, stating that his economic policy was drawn from what Ikomar's was in theory, although he claimed that Ikomar never implemented this. He ended by affirming his committment to democracy, which was followed by the issuing of a decree once again allowing for the registration of independent news agencies, as well as ending the restrictions imposed upon the declaration of emergency.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek addresses the Congress of Producers

Head of State Vistek Rikkalek today addressed the Congress of Producers, calling for an end to "Western-style politics" and the institution of an "Indigenous system of government" in Istkalen. In particular, he condemned the political violence and infighting that has plagued Istkalen until recently, arguing that the country must adopt a "system of political cooperation," based on the National Front and the Congress in order to survive.

"Over the past few months," he stated, "our nation has seen some of the highest levels of social, economic, and political turmoil it has ever experienced. Our countrymen have turned against each other, nationality against nationality; ideology against ideology. This is plainly the fault of the system which my predecessors sought to introduce. Istkalen simply is not fit for a system of competitive pluralism; it merely incites intercommunal violence to these levels. In order to cultivate stability, we must turn to an indigenous system of government, a system of political cooperation instead of competition."

"My government has sought, at every turn, to return authencity and stability to this nation, socially, economically, and now politically. In the coming months, as an integral part of the construction of non-aligned socialism and the carrying out of the Internal Revolution, a new government shall be constructed in Istkalen, a government free of partisan-ism, a government founded on the workers of this nation, which shall arise out of the people's syndicates and the National Front. The politicians will all be thrown out, replaced by the moral, the genuine, and the hardworking. We do not seek the abolition of pluralism per se; in fact, we encourage it; we merely desire to do away with the present politics, Western-style politics, for it has brought nothing but misery to us."

This was met with a great hail of applause from the Congress, composed overwhelming of nativists and authoritarians strongly opposed to liberal democracy.

RIkkalek, however, went on to describe his plans for new elections to the Congress, which would occur along more traditional lines.

"We will firstly seek to restore this Congress. We shall do away with the Western methods of election, and substitute them for our own. Companies of workers shall elect the best of their own to serve on the producers' committees that form our ranks, two-by-two rather than one-by-one. Only the qualified, the hardworking, the moral, shall serve. With this, we shall thus create a government of the producers, a native government, a true government, a government that befits this nation," he stated, further speaking about how it would bring industrial organization and the state together and thus further abolish politics as they are.

Rikkalek has always had an antipathy towards traditional politics, as well as an affinity for ideas of merging industrial organization with the state - ten years ago, while relatively unknown, he was a syndicalist who collaborated with the short-lived reformist SDP government in its attempt to abolish the estates and establish a state founded on principles of industrial unionism. This address, as such, is merely a nationalist and statist variation on his previous politics, addressing virtually the same themes - returning power to the workers, establishing industrial self-government, and ending corruption and inequality. While it is almost certain that Rikkalek has moved somewhat to the right, particularly in his abandoning of the principle of socialization, it cannot be said that he truly believes in what he is saying; it is very possible that he is merely attempting to convey it in a palatable form to the politicians of the Congress of Producers. This, if true, would not be something new - while Rikkalek does clearly have specific principles he governs by, he will represent them in radically different ways to different sectors of society and the outside world. To the Congress of Producers, for example, he may, as he did here, present everything in an overly nationalistic light; to the population, in a more 'producerist' light, leaning towards a more moderate socialism or Western-style social democracy; to the West, everything in the most liberal light possible.

This may be made clear by the effects of Rikkalek's proposed reform. By introducing the planned electoral changes in particular, virtually all of the ultranationalists benefited by the previous system of indirect election would be removed, replaced largely with centrists adhering to "non-aligned socialism" in its purest form. Similarly, the transformation implied for government, in which bureaucratic functions would be handed to the people's syndicates, would have the effect of reducing or eliminating the power of high-ranking bureaucrats, most of whom are also either nativists or former "national" Social Democrats, giving it all to competent but ideologically non-suspect and loyal individuals. The reforms planned for the National Front are in all likelihood not to ever be implemented; the parties and organizations that form it are well-entrenched, popular, and at this point support Rikkalek more than oppose him. To abolish or weaken it would merely be a blow to Rikkalek's own power, one which would open a dangerous power vaccuum in Istkalen's politics that could very well lead to far worse - the Northern Radio, for example - gaining power.

In essence, Rikkalek's intention is to continue the "construction of non-aligned socialism," in his own words, in its existing moderate form rather than in the more extremist path he has implied; in doing this, however, he seeks to paralyze and remove the little opposition that continues to exist in the country and fully consolidate his power.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek holds celebrations for the formation of the People's Association, gives address to the people

In commemoration of the formation of the People's Association, alongside the official institutionalization of "non-aligned socialism," with the formation of workers' societies and the network of indirectly elected "economic self-governments" governing the "workers' associations," Head of State Vistek Rikkalek has organized mass celebrations, including large cultural performances, from theater dramas to musical performances by ensembles, as well as rallies and other events held by high-ranking members of the People's Association of Istkalen.

"Long live our united and independent Istkalen," proclaimed former General Secretary of the Communist Party Ilisapit Íkrat, now one of the most important members of the Governing Council of the People's Association, before an audience of over 10.000 at one of these rallies organized by the Association. "Let us all come together and rejoice in this great effort to build a state of the people in our country; let us celebrate this construction of workers' democracy! Long live liberty, long live equality, long live justice, long live solidarity!"

Elsewhere, in the chambers of the National Assembly, vacant presently due to the period of constitutional implementation, national poetry, both from the Istkalener Renaissance of the early 20th century and from the modern age, was read by acclaimed authors, poets, and orators, to an audience of 1000 physically and millions virtually.

In the Grand Opera House of Kirelesile, several nationalist operas from the Istkalener Renaissance were also performed before a physical audience, as well as live-streamed.

On the Boulevard of the 25th of April, the main axis of the city of Kirelesile, a parade was held, commemorating the history of the Republic of Istkalen - its roots in the Republican Movement of National Unity founded in 1914, the establishment of the "crowned republic" in 1931, the 25th of April itself, when the actual Republic was established, all the way to the 18th of April, when the "national-social-democratic" regime fell; thousands were present, waving the five-color flag and shouting praises of the Republic and the principles on which it was founded - "nationalism, people's sovereignty, and people's welfare."

Tens of thousands took to the streets of the capital, as well as Kirelesile, the largest and most economically and culturally important city in Istkalen, to demonstrate for the Republic and the People's Association. "We shall stand for the national cause of the people's power forever!" several demonstrators were heard shouting before the Great Palace of the Republic, formerly the Imperial Palace and now the meeting chambers of the Council of Ministers, in Líressile. "We shall stand firm and construct our Republic for all!"

"The streets of Kirelesile are filled with patriotic citizens," stated Minister of Arts and Culture Makketis Ikalsser, describing the demonstrations. "I was and am surprised by this great turnout in the celebration of our Republic and nation. Even in our villages, there have been great celebrations and fetes in celebration of our common and noble cause."

Later in the day, Rikkalek appeared on a balcony facing the crowd before the Great Palace of the Republic, and delivered an address directly to the people, which was also televised and broadcasted to the rest of the nation.

"We, the people of Istkalen, have begun an important step in our march towards justice and democracy. We have, today, overcome our divisions in order to lay the first stone in the great Republic to come. Whether communist or liberal or conservative, whether one of the returned or one of the remained, whether Kitetois, Estonian, German, Turk, or indigenous, we have come together with the common cause of preserving our nationhood and ensuring the power and welfare of the people. In our Istkalen, I am confident in saying that we will establish a union of equal nationalities, an equal union founded on common history, common experience, and the solidarity of labor, and from this union shall spring what we, and our forefathers, dreamt of - the state of the people, the state of peace."

"The People's Association, comprised of the most politically adept of us all, will lead the way. All ideologies, all interests, will be united and represented in it for the construction of the Republic. Their, our, faith and steadfastness, will not waver. We will travel the road to people's power and independence together to its very end."

"The workers' associations and the workers' societies will be the basis of the Republic to come, a moral Republic of labor. Power will be theirs, must be theirs; there can be no other conclusion that does not deprive the people of their deserved rights and representation. The workers will participate directly in government, will participate directly in the construction of the new Istkalen political, social, and economic, through them. United and led by the People's Association, they will be the instruments with which we shall transform this country and build the state of people's power."

Rikkalek would continue by describing how these institutions, as well as the new Republic, would uphold the original principles of nationalism, people's sovereignty, and people's welfare, arguing that they would encourage mutual aid (people's welfare) and direct democracy, or at least a more participatory democracy (people's sovereignty) while overcoming the divide of nationality, by celebrating culture while emphasizing professional rather than national bonds, as to construct a greater nation-state (nationalism).

More interestingly, however, he would also briefly outline an economically nationalist ideology that would be promoted by the "Republic to come:"

"The issue of people's welfare is of course far more complicated than merely encouraging mutual aid. It necessarily also involves increasing, directly, the wealth of the people. The present economic model of Istkalen - focused on the export of raw materials - cannot suffice. We must turn ourselves to the development of more complex industry, while not abandoning the principles of craftwork and the personal aspect of labor that is at the essence of our nation. The state will focus primarily in reserving raw materials for processing within Istkalen, as well as in promoting the construction of more advanced industrial facilities - for example, in the manufacture of electronics. We will not ignore the traditional industry of our nation, on which it rests - our craftspeople and trade-workers - on the contrary, we will emphasize and support it also. However, it is absolutely necessary that modernization continues for the welfare of the people, so that their incomes are increased and that they are able to afford more."

Modernization has never gone particularly well in Istkalen; the last time it was attempted, it resulted in extreme social upheaval and an eventual cou p which set behind the cause of democracy for decades. This time, however, promises have been made to preserve traditional modes and styles of production as much as possible, as well as to try to import these to the greatest extent into modern industry - an independent "Istkalener Technological Revolution," so to speak, which would go against the trend just as Istkalen did during the first Industrial Revolution. It is very possible, now, particularly with Rikkalek's mind and devotion to this cause, that modernization could succeed, and in fact pave a way for a more human economy in the rest of the world.

More importantly, however, it implies many other things. Firstly, it implies self-sufficiency - that Istkalen will attempt to wean itself off of its dependence on the West for advanced machinery and electronics. Secondly, it implies that the present embargo on exports of important mineral resources, particularly cobalt and rare earth metals, could continue in a different form - that they could, rather than be exported, be redirected for the use of growing industry in Istkalen itself.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Workers' associations are created

Elections to the workers's associations - that is, the "workers' committees" and "councils' that govern them - occurred today. Workers' societies met as to elect ward-level committees and councils, nominating candidates belonging to a larger class of potential candidates previously approved by the Council of Examination - a candidate gained nomination if they were able to gain the signature of at least 10% of the workers' society's memebrship. Nominations were then voted upon by the membership of the workers' societies; in the case that a candidate could not garner a majority, the two candidates earning the most votes would be included in a second round. Each workers' society was entitled to at least one seat on a ward-level committee, with the total number of seats dependent on total membership.

Ward-level committees and councils elected commune-level committees and councils in much the same way; these councils then met to nominate lists of candidates, which were then voted on, using the system of block approval voting, by their membership, with the vote of one councillor equivalent to the number of constituents said councillor represented.

The elections were entirely nonpartisan; parties, including the national-level People's Association, were prohibited even from endorsing candidates. The intention was to require candidates to stand on their own merit, as well as to prevent violence and "ultrapartisanism'. This, however, was little more than nominal; candidates did in fact possess political ideals, which they spoke of at length while defending themselves during the nomination phase. While they were not openly allowed to mention specific ideologies or specific parties - both would have been grounds for prohibition from candidacy - most at least implied both.

One prospective candidate, for example, standing for election to the 50-member national-level council for the Medical Workers' Asosciation, repeatedly defended ideas such as "opposition to the economic hegemony of certain nations," "preservation of Istkalen's economic independence," "greater economic equality," and "the placing of the economy under full social control" - clearly Communist in nature, and meant to gain the support of a mostly pro-Communist constituency. While the candidate in question certainly did answer questions regarding to the direct interests of medical workers, as well as the medical regulations the Association is responsible for, it is likely that it, in the end, was the political opinions expressed - that is, these Communist opinions - that resulted in the final decision to elect the candidate.

Within the committees and councils themselves as well, informal "committees" have formed, which in reality group together members of similar political affiliation. The state has responded merely by stating that such committees may not participate in political activity - they may not campaign, for example - and that political parties may not endorse any given informal committee - but that, for the time being, they will be tolerated, as they do not yet appear to be a threat to national security and unity.

Unlike previous elections under the post-Social-Democratic Republic, the institutions formed have not leaned significantly to the right; virtually none of the candidates are any further than center-right, with even elements of the Patriotic League and its ideology failing to be elected at all, replaced instead by solidarist and moderate Linekist councillors and committee-members. The left, too, has suffered; while Communist-affiliated candidates were in fact elected, they were not as prominent as in previous assemblies, replaced largely with candidates affiliated, through common ideology, with the National Republicans and the Agrarian Union.

Those of liberal ideology too also gained prominence, although not those close to former President Ikomar in ideology; they now occupy a plurality of seats in seven of the 16 national-level councils and committees of the workers' associations.

Several members of the opposition - what those who left the People's Association to found new independent parties are now termed - objected to the way in which the elections were conducted, arguing that they were neither free or fair, and did not give voters any real choice.

"The candidates were preselected by the government of Rikkalek," stated the Central Committee of the (refounded) Communist Party of Istkalen, summing up the general position of the opposition as a whole. "To be able to become a candidate, to be designated as such by the regime-controlled Council of Examination, it was effectively a precondition to support Rikkalek. These elections thus offered no real choice to the people, no real opportunity to enact a change in government or in policy, and thus cannot, in any meaning of the words, be considered either free or fair."

Regardless of the fairness of these elections, they will have considerably less impact than previous elections in post-Social-Democratic Istkalen.

Compared to their strength under Ikomar's tenure, the associations are to be significantly weakened. Under the recently passed Local Government Act, the authority they once held through "Congresses of Producers" - that is, full legislative power, that to coordinate production, "ensure the social purpose of the economy," as well as that to appoint the local judiciary - has been transferred to re-established "People's Committees," which will exist on ward and communal levels and will be elected at-large through asystem of combined approval-voting, a radical break from past systems of organization. In the interim, these "People's Committees" are composed of government appointees, all of whom are members of the People's Association; even then, the elections to them, scheduled for 4 December, will have candidacy limited to members of the People's Association and state-approved independents, with the Council of Examination even then still playing a role in limiting candidacy.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Mild liberalization announced

As a part of the recently released "Istkalener Economic Mechanism," mild liberalization of the economy will begin, although increased state control may be seen in certain sectors.

In particular, the government has announced its intention to end the policy of granting monopolies to specific workers' societies, as well as in requiring workers to join workers' societies. From now on, while the societies will remain limited to the boundaries of a ward, workers will be able to freely found, dissolve, and merge them in most industries; at the same time, it will be the choice of every worker whether or not to join a society. Related to this, the requirement of forming a labor-partnership in order to gain full economic rights will also be abolished; workers may now work alone, as an individual within a society, or in the traditional way - as a partnership, either alone or within a society.

This has been accompanied by a new property law, which, for the first time, allows workers' societies to hold property - a step, perhaps, towards the full legalization of outright businesses in Istkalen - as of now, workers' societies are little more than weak mutual-aid groups. The same law, however, also hints at a more controlled approach to be taken towards certain sectors of the economy - it also allows the state, as well as workers' associations, to own property directly, outlining twin processes of "nationalization" and "socialization" that detail how property may be converted into the ownership of the state or the workers' associations respectively, as well as the organizations that will control the property afterwards. This may complement previous, vaguer, plans to promote broader industralization, funded through mineral extraction and exportation, as well as to "integrate" Istkalen's energy and transportation infrastructure under national authorities.

The mechanism will also end the prominent retail role of the Ministry of Public Distribution, and will, in its place, gradually introduce a market system; in terms of wholesale, however, the state has confirmed that the Ministry will retain its role. Price controls on certain goods, particularly foodstuffs and medicines, will also be retained. The stated purpose of this is merely to solve crippling supply issues in regards to a variety of consumer products, while at the same time ensuring price stability and preventing gouging by private actors.

The system will not be open to international actors; import and export will be managed solely and directly by the Ministry of Public Distribution (in the past, certain societies of traders and merchants were allowed to engage in import and export - no longer, largely due to perceived corruption). This limitation is largely due to concerns, both within the populace and within the government, that to open import fully to foreign actors would immediately cause the market to be flooded with significantly cheaper goods from abroad, ending domestic industry due to an inability to compete and creating a massive trade deficit. Foreign-directed export, on the other hand, is perceived to be an enabler of continued neo-imperialistic exploitation of Istkalen in the style of Reitzmag. Similar reasons also have prevented any attempt to allow for foreign ownership of property in the country. The government, however, has signaled that it may be willing to slowly open the economy to international actors in the future, after the economy is deemed to have stabilized from the disastrous effects of the 13th April coup, the "Farcical War," the occupation, and the volcanic winter.

The liberal wing of the People's Association criticized the reforms, arguing that they did not go far enough; in particular, they stated that, in Istkalen, the pressing need was not necessarily to introduce market elements but rather to allow for greater foreign investment, beginning with allowing foreigners to hold property in the country, and thus that the reforms would accomplish little of importance. The communist wing also issued criticism, but from a different angle - it argued that moving the economy towards the market would widen inequalities by enabling corruption and scams like the "exchange-rate-scheme" of this year, while also reducing the scope of the welfare system, by weakining the workers' societies responsible for it, thus leaving many worse off.

In support was the agrarian wing, which, while supporting the market-based reforms, which would give farmers greater autonomy, criticized the continued existence of price controls, arguing that they, under certain circumstances, could adversely affect farmers' profits, and thus cause disruption during a period of already extreme shortage. They were, however, in great support of the protectionist measures, which they believe will protect native farmers from being pushed out of business by less expensive, foreign imports. The left-nationalist wing was similarly supportive due to the measures' protection of native light and craft industry, as well as their promotion of greater autonomy for craftsmen.

The reforms are seen as a general part of a process which seeks to increase Istkalen's international image by pursuing moderate policy open to further reform.