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    Istkalen

    @Istkalen

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    Best posts made by Istkalen

    • RE: Blue Croatia Ponders: Should Straights Have Rights?

      Kalju Ilves, the Prime Minister of Istkalen, had been the intended recipient of the invitation. It was unfortunate, then, that he had forgotten about it in a matter of a few hours; between the provocations of Ilmaras Kalessed and the constant threats of the tiresome Reszelport Jezebel-Swift, he had far too much on his mind, more important things to think of, to worry about, to do.

      And so it had laid, at a slight angle, at the edge of his desk, peeking out only slightly under a great pile of papers and orders and reports, an unending procession of things that he had to but did not want to do.

      Then he had gone, quickly and suddenly, to the wilderness, dragged there by his closest confidant, for a fishing trip. He did not like fishing very much; he had tried it once and found it the most boring thing in the world, constant waiting and sitting for nothing, or at most something so little it was essentially nothing. But he'd known Kondres for years; it would hurt him to say no. And he could not risk Kondres being hurt, either; that would be both their ends, when the end inevitably came. And anyways the man had been imprisoned in some Reitzmic camp until but a few months ago. This was his first personal request to him since he'd been released; who was he to deny it?

      So he had gone, and now was lying down with Kondres on the needle-carpet of the forest floor, the two both silent, listening to the quiet movement of the insects, the soft breeze passing through the spreading canopy above them, feeling warm and complete and content, thinking of what could be, some dawn perhaps not so far away. No fish that day, but what did it matter?

      His office sat empty and dark, blinds closed, door shut. He had packed all the papers away shortly before he had gone, neatly organizing them into folders, at last hidden in a locked, unassuming filing cabinet in the corner. They would be sitting there for some time, until at last he returned. It would be a while, in all likelihood; weeks, perhaps even a month.

      The invitation remained on the desk, a light layer of dust collecting on it. It was there when the cleaner had come. He had gone immediately to the desk, noticing that, at last, something had been left out. The Prime Minister had in the past been terribly fastidious in clearing the room of his presence; but now he had left something behind.

      He blew the dust off it it; scanned it. He had always been proud of being literate, it gave him a certain power. His wife had told him that it meant nothing; that in 'these modern times' (she was always speaking of modernity and progress and things that were new) everyone was literate. What nonsense! And now she had kicked him out, with their children, after he had tried to teach her a lesson, for her own good; they had all turned against him for his act of goodwill.

      The invitation was truly disgusting to him. All these Istkaleners were immoral heathens; but he had not known that their immorality had descended to such depths. To go to this modern Sodom! How sinful, how salacious!

      But all the same he had to pray for them all, just as he had prayed for his deviant wife, the raving lunatics he called his children, and the witches of the Women's Committee in his hometown, who had screamed at him all those months ago words like "abuser" before attempting to put him in prison for some imagined crime, all these people who had driven him from wealth and power to this horrible, dirty city, where he sat on the streets, grimy, as people spat on him, kicked him. Where at last he was driven to crawl to get women's work, for a tenth of a ketsel a day. Who had driven him to this place, surrounded by sinners who looked down on him, patronizing him, giggling at him; this place, where he had to live in a cage with dozens of others, who engaged in the most Godless of activities before his very eyes.

      Yes, he had to pray for them, and so he would pray for the sinners here. So that when justice came and righteous men possessed by the Holy Spirit wrung their pencil-necks, made weak by constant sin, as their eyes bugged out, faces turning red, mouths opened trying to scream, they would be saved. For he loved them all, had forgiven them all, no matter how ungrateful or degenerate they were, no matter their constant disrespect for God and the order He had established.

      But what to do about the invitation itself?


      Pope Tabitha was busy circling the Vatican with a red marker on a map. The body of the Church had rotted away. All the women, except at the very top, had deserted her; they were all now functionaries in a new church of heathens, this so-called 'Federation of Women's Commitees,' where they constantly discussed the so-called 'patriarchy,' this thing which God had ordained and which they rejected for the institutions of man. The seminaries had been abandoned; so many of the young men had suddenly left them, and then gone off to engage in sinful behavior. They had all left for that hotbed of sin, Kirelesile; they had taken to having relations among themselves, sometimes with some other men who had been raised in sin from birth. The actual priesthood was either outside the faith or in prison, with one or two exceptions, but no more than that. Everything had fallen to ruins, and she was in agony. All this the doing of the Communists. They would be squashed, if God willed it.

      But the Church had to go on. She had to go on, with her holy task. She stared again at the tiny dot of the Vatican, and put even more pressure on the marker as she circled. She would take it, she had to take it. She had failed once, but she would try again, and again, and again, until at last it was hers, the true Church fully restored and the antipope dead.

      A knock on the door.

      "Come in, my child," she said cheerily, smiling widely.

      The door opened, with a few creaks; behind it was Erkas Tilisek, one of her last devotees as everything came crashing down. Although even Matik Katonet, who she had thought was devoted to her, had left her. He had tried to join the other young men, but had quickly been arrested for a myriad of charges by the secular police. The wages of sin, she thought. But it showed that even Erkas could leave her one day., and that left her terribly anxious.

      Tilisek was out of breath, carrying an envelope in a shaky hand. "Your Holiness, we must travel to Blue Croatia. Immediately," she said.

      "The Lord has condemned them," Tabitha replied. "Like their predecessors in Sodom and Gomorrah, they will be smited. Fire will come raining down from the sky, and they will be crushed, destroyed, by His might."

      "But we must still pray for them. Perhaps some of them can be saved, still." Tilisek's voice was plaintive, her words emotional as she seemed to be struggling to keep back tears.

      "Why do you cry, my child?" asked Tabitha. "The Lord has made his decision. He is infinitely just and infinitely kind. This is what is right."

      "Your Holiness. I do not speak on my own behalf." Tilisek swallowed, panting. "In the morning, the Holy Spirit came upon me; I was thrown onto the floor. The angels were singing, and a great, beautiful light opened above me. Christ stood on a golden cloud, and He spoke. It was wonderful, wonderful, I cannot put in simple words, it cannot be expressed. But God has had mercy! He has given them another chance, if they are willing to repent. We must go, to save them, it is our...our holy duty. The Lord Himself gave it to us! And look, look, here, a devoted man, a man of the faith, gave this to me, he stumbled upon it in the offices of the secular authorities."

      Tabitha could not speak for a second.

      "Truly the Lord has spoken," she whispered, in awe, when at last she had recovered from what had been said to her. "We must go," she continued, now firmly. "God has given us this duty, and we must carry it out. We must deliver these people from sin, from death!"

      And so they set out, by plane, accompanied by their exorcist, Kinides Peralkal, to deliver the poor Sodomites of Blue Croatia from the sin that had consumed them, from certain death; to give them the gift of the living water, of life that would surely not end, through Christ above.


      They were, at last, at the site of the pulsing heart of sin. The three of them, two women and one man, covered themselves with veils so that they would not be tempted by the sin around them; they looked down as they walked towards the morally blackened center. Under their loose clothes, which covered every inch of their bodies in crimson-dyed muslin and polyester (purchased for everyday low prices from the Church's very own acclaimed line of budget supermarkets, Jesusmart), they carried bowls of holy water, with pocket-copies of the Bible, as well as gilded crucifixes, hanging from their necks; they recited, constantly, the words of the Lord, the Bible, that infallible, unchanging holy document. They saw nothing but their feet, and parts of the ground beneath them; no more. They sought to plug their eyes and their eyes to the jeering, sinful men around them; to steel themselves, mentally, for their task. They seemed to be moving, red wraiths, nothing visible except the fabrics draped around them, neither heads nor feet.

      "The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want," whispered Tabitha, the bowl of holy water steady in her hands as she looked down at her papal red shoes, trying as hard as she could not even to look at the ground, which surely itself was cursed. "He makes me lie down in green pastures, he leads me by still waters..."

      They would begin soon, once God had given them the necessary strength.

      "Yes, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil, for You are with me..."

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Areai for Internal Affairs | The New Europe

      A Message to Silas Kligenberg

      This is disgusting; I am a lesbian.

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Censure Motion

      I propose the following amendment, crediting Councillor Lallana for many of the ideas in it.

      AMENDMENT I

      ...and suspends them from office and public service for a period of 7 days from the passage of this measure. requires them to take a two-week seminar program, organized by the European Commission, regarding gender inequality and gender inclusivity. Cllr. Tusk will then be required to make a public, official, and full apology, without any excuses or explanations rationalizing his behavior, which acknowledges and explicitly explains how his words were demeaning and wrong, in a way that does not shift the blame for the wording and its interpretation on others, and which fully acknowledges personal culpability. He shall then personally deliver a handwritten copy of the apology to presently Premier Cikarova, who shall then have the choice to accept it or reject it as insincere. If the apology is found insincere, Cllr. Tusk will be required to retake the seminar program, and submit another apology, and do so as many times as necessary until the apology is found sincere. Upon acceptance of the apology, Cllr. Tusk will be required to travel to the predominantly German-speaking regions of Istkalen, where he will be required to attend at least ten sessions of Women's Committees of his choice, after which he will be required to write a detailed report explaining all that he heard, what he extrapolated from it, and how he has recognized the injustice done to women and his personal contribution to such injustice, as well as how he will work to rectify both of these, which he must give to the Council Speaker. Cllr. Tusk will then be required to complete 100 hours of community service for the whole of the EU, the contents of this service decided by the Commission at that date.

      Iras Tilkanas
      Councillor for the Republic of Istkalen

      posted in European Council
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: The Europolis Post

      Postimees: Our Electoral Predictions

      From arduous research into past election patterns and polling, we have constructed the following electoral predictions.

      Legend

      • white: tossup
      • red: PEL
      • yellow: EPA
      • orange: independent, center-left
      • blue: independent, center-right

      alt text

      Only two countries are expected to be tossups this election - Fremet, whose electorate is likely to continue viewing the UNSR as a major issue - and may dislike Juncker's more hardline stance towards the nation, especially in contrast with its government's softening policy - and Ruthund, which, as with previous elections, is likely to see national sovereignty as its primary issue.

      Both of these nations are expected, however, to see increasingly weakening support for Juncker in the coming days. With his pledge to not implement the protocols for détente contained within the Condemnation of the Coup in Icholasen - and thus to violate Constitutional protocols - the electorate in both nations is likely to turn away from him.

      Turning to oddities, we now analyze Inquista and Vayinaod.

      Inquista continues its march leftwards; however, EPA and PEL candidates are nominally tied there, almost exactly. With Čikarová able to win an election quite strongly there despite not even running, however, our analysts believe that it is more likely that the PEL will come out on top.

      Vayinaod is stranger - it is likely that it is the best choice among three relatively mediocre candidates for them. Koline's campaign, focused primarily on creating an international economic system more in line with modern economics, may be distancing and heavy-handed for them; Juncker, on the other hand, may be seen as bordering on populist, lacking real substance and detail and making up for it with increasingly "radical" ideas against the Council.

      The nations that Koline is to take, save for her home nation, which may not even be able to vote, are themselves quite strange. The United Duchies seems to be voting for her simply because Juncker is seen as the candidate of impersonal neoliberalism and Čikarová a communist; Reitzmag for similar reasons.

      The remainder of nations, save for those expected to abstent, typically vote with the EPA.

      Those expected to abstent will likely do so in the absence of true Eurosceptic candidates.

      In terms of changes, several benefit Koline - with her having seen large "jumps" in support in several nations; however, these are not as important; on the other hand, Juncker has seen increases in popularity in many nations as well, generally those he was already likely to win.

      alt text

      The Internal Affairs election continues with a relatively similar pattern - the EPA continuing to dominant in its usual heartlands, Fremet and Ruthund as toss-ups, and the Duxburian Union, Inimicus, and Pravoslaviya as abstenting.

      The only differences are with Vayinaod, Istkalen, and Reitzmag, which each likely changed as a result of the presence or absence of better candidates.

      It effectively is a reflection of the Premiership race, with little change having occurred.

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • Iskiris Koline for Premier - Towards a Union with Purpose

      Koline 2021 - Towards a Union with Purpose

      The European Union has no purpose; no reason to exist. No tangible benefits; nothing. It is simply there to exist. To leave it would have no negative impact; to join it, however, would leave one that is negative.

      I stand here against this. The EU should and must have a purpose and benefits if it wishes to exist for much longer.

      I am not one who likes to speak in vague platitudes, vague proposals. Nor am I a person who is fond of pomp and circumstance. No.

      So I thus, perhaps abruptly, bring you the policies I propose.

      The Political Structure of the Union

      1. Repeal the European Elected and Accountable Council Act. Already gutted, the reasons for its existence are few and nonsensical. Any dictatorship could very well get away by holding very realistic-looking sham elections; there is no reason why they should be given any more justification to try to claim themselves as anything other than what they are. The law is a simple infringement on the rights of member-states at this point, nothing more, nothing less.

      2. Abolish the European Assembly. This institution was but useless before the passage of the EACA. Now, of course, it has a use; but even then, what can it do? It has failed even at being a forum. Upon the repeal of the EACA, its sole purpose for existence will have died away, and then it can finally be given the peaceful death it deserves.

      3. Regulate the uses of the European Court of Justice. As Angleteric Chief Justice of the ECoJ Sir Ken Frobisher stated in 2016, the ECoJ should not be a criminal court. Breaches of the UDoHR made by individuals should be tried solely on a national level; if a country does not do so, then it should be brought to the ECoJ by another member-state. In essence: the ECoJ for member-states and member-states alone.

      4. Give the ECoJ a functioning system of justice. The European Court of Justice should have some way of meting out punishment, up to imprisonment, for members of a government implicated in severe breaches of the UDoHR. It should be made a priority to define this system of punishment by law, in a way agreeable to all member states.

      5. By treaty, establish a separate European Criminal Court. At times, it is impossible to avoid trying individuals. Under the proposed changes to the European Court of Justice, it would be impossible to try warlords, leaders of terrorist groups, or individual members of a government for crimes against humanity and so on and so forth. It should thus be the priority of the Commission to call the leaders of member-states as to draft a treaty - to define crimes against humanity, war crimes, and so on and so forth, as well as to establish a European Criminal Court to try them.

      6. Create a treaty defining sovereignty. Again, as former Angleteric Chief Justice Sir Ken Frobisher stated, sovereignty is ill defined. A European treaty, defining sovereignty, thus must be created, as to ensure that the European Union is no longer able to infringe, whether purposefully or unintentionally, on the sovereignty of individual nations.

      Institutions and Regulations of the Union’s Powers

      1. Temporarily suspend the Neurodivergent Rights Act. This act has brought economic centers of the Union into freefall, and thus must be temporarily repealed. Its replacement should be made on a basis closer to consensus; the Commission will have the priority of opening a discussion on the issue in the Council, and should prefer that it be made as an amendment to the UDoHR.

      2. Implement the Condemnation of the Coup in Icholasen. Talks with the UNSR will be held as according to the Condemnation; it will be supported and upheld by my potential administration.

      3. Standardization of Telecommunications and Postal Policies. As with monetary policies, telecommunications and postal policies remain essentially unregulated. In order to maintain the radio spectrum as a commons, forms of communication through similar mediums, as well as coordination in terms of telecommunication satellite orbits, a European Telecommunication Union must be established. At the same time, as to ensure that international mailing remains simple and streamlined for Europeans, a European Postal Union must be established, as to ensure that citizens of all member-states may send mail directly to all other member-states, using the protocols of the sender’s country to the extent that it does not endanger safety. States outside of the Union will be outside of the Union; those which leave will no longer be under its protection. They will thus be forced to re-negotiate individual “postal treaties” with individual member-states.

      4. Creation of a European Labor Organization. Many, many European policies have negatively impacted workers; at the same time, the Union lacks any cohesive charter of workers’ rights, especially regarding the right to unionize and to strike. As such, a European Labor Organization, as to develop such a charter, to be adapted as time progresses, to issue recommendations to individual countries as for their implementation, as well as for the ensurance of such things as employment, especially in regards to the coming “green transition,” and to advise the European Council on the effects of potential legislation.

      5. The introduction of agricultural, industrial, and education/science/culture related communication. Communication regarding advances in these spaces is severely lacking in our Union. The Commission should thus see it as its responsibility the creation of institutions for the three of these, primarily to facilitate communication in these three areas, but also as to collect statistics regarding them and compile recommendations for member-states, and, to an extent, extend low-interest loans to nations meeting specific criteria and willing to carry out certain conditions as to ensure that they are paid back. The education/science/culture related institution will likely be merged with the presently existing EACB, as to ensure streamlining of bureaucracy. Provisionally, these can be titled the European Agricultural Institution (EAI), the European Industrial Institution (EII), and the European Institution of Education, Science, and Culture (EIESC).

      6. Reformation of the Sanction Powers Act. The presently established mechanism through which sanctions can be made under this act is cumbersome; however, the definitions and regulations it creates are valuable. The Commission should and must be cut out of it; apart from that, however, it is generally better.

      Treaties and Agreements

      1. A treaty regarding clean air. As of now, not a single regulation exists for the protection of clean air. Of special concern is the fact that cluorofluorocarbons appear to remain legal. A treaty, organized by the Commission, should thus be made as to move towards clean air, as well as the prohibition of genuinely damaging substances such as CFCs.

      2. A treaty regarding the protection of biodiversity. Severe declines in biodiversity, whether as a result of logging or pollution, have been observed across the European Union. In order for it to be protected, a treaty, to be drafted ideally by member-states with the Commission as a contributing figure, should be made.

      3. A treaty regarding the usage of space. In order to preserve space as the commons of mankind, as well as to ensure that it is preserved for both research and prosperity, the Commission should lead efforts as to draft a treaty regarding the usage of space.

      4. A treaty regarding waters universally considered as international. The European Union should not interfere with the individual claims of countries; however, water that is universally considered international should be regulated in terms of use. For this purpose, the Commission should lead the drafting of a multilateral treaty regarding this.

      5. A treaty regarding standards of diplomacy. Presently, no treaties exist regarding standards of diplomacy, including diplomatic immunity. It is thus perhaps necessary to introduce these standards, as stated before, through a multilateral treaty.

      Monetary and Trade Policy

      1. Establish regulations on trade. Again, I borrow here from the Angleteric Chief Justice Sir Ken Frobisher. Regulations should and must be placed on international trade as to ensure competitiveness. For example, nations should not be permitted to, for example, devalue or manipulate their own currency as to gain an economic edge. This is to be accomplished with the creation of a general treaty regarding trade.

      2. Establish a European Monetary Fund. While likely an unpopular idea, such a fund is primarily meant to ensure economic stability. When a country is at risk of defaulting on loans, or if it is in deficit and thus dependent on investments likely soon to stop, the European Monetary Fund will extend a low-interest loan as to allow it to pay off the loans or maintain its economy, increasing economic confidence and ensuring that large banks, on which much of Europe is dependent, are saved from bankruptcy.

      3. Establish the euro as reserve currency. Presently, reserve currencies dominant in Europe suffer the issue of being national currency. Whether the EMU or the Kael, they are constrained at least in part by domestic policy. In order for reserve currency to be stable, it must be international in nature, its purpose solely to be a reserve currency. The euro, presently seemingly dormant, provides the perfect basis for this. The European Central Bank thus should have the responsibility of attempting to establish it as a reserve currency.

      4. Separate unrelated institutions from the European Central Bank. Unrelated institutions like the Labor Exchange and the Loan Exchange should be separated from the European Central Bank and be made their own, independent institutions.

      5. Establish an International Trade Organization as to facilitate trade between nations. It will act as a market of sorts, allowing nations to exchange products easily in a relatively free manner, regulating itself. The purpose of such an organization primarily is meant to make trade significantly easier for all, giving further strength to the poorer nations of the Union and allowing for greater prosperity.

      6. Establish a European Court of Commerce, as to negotiate and create final settlements for trade disputes.

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Kalessed for Internal Affairs | For Justice and Dignity

      AN ADDRESS (CONDUCTED VIA ZOOM)

      While I prepare my next "rally," whose location will be announced in a short time, I would like to elaborate on some of my policies which I feel I have not described in enough detail, as well as to discuss the platforms of other candidates.

      The first issue will attract ire from the Eurogroup I am affiliated with; but we are not a party, we are a caucus. I am sure we can tolerate some disagreements; we are not, like some others, bound to some vapid joint platform. In cooperation with the Premier, I intend to divert some funds from the EDA to confederations of communal organizations, also organized on a sectoral basis, that will distribute funds to national-level communal organizations to aid development. Only the contributions of states that have opted into the communal organization program will fund these. The purpose of this is to encourage democracy and self-development, while preventing bureaucraticization - these, again, will be confederations of extremely democratic organizations, the structure of which will inherently prevent bureaucracies from forming around them. The EDA will remain in place, albeit with a lower level of funding, to provide funding for those who have opted out of the communal organizations, and for a small scattering of general projects for those with communal organizations.

      This whole method of funding for the communal organizations will only be temporary. I will say it again - temporary. You will not have to worry about money, allegedly for development, being flushed down the toilet again and again. The intention is for them to become autonomous of the EU, entirely self-managed and self-funded - and this will be pursued more aggressively, by slowly removing funding for them, accounting for possible difficulties that some member-states may face. The EU, of course, if this all succeeds, will continue to facilitate coordination between them - but very little else.

      Now, I will be asked, "is this not violating sovereignty? Is this not hypocrisy?" It is neither. The communal organizations are established only in member-states which have permitted their establishment; they are meant to promote self-organization and self-development, rather than dependence on aid and on the organization of the "center" - the exploiting nations which I have mentioned, the opposite of the "periphery." If successful, they will allow for the significant reduction of the EU budget by helping the poorest develop themselves, both institutions and economy, particularly alongside my ideas to radically reduced EU bureaucracy by I have indeed voiced opposition to legislation which would cause EU laws to only be adopted by those nations which desire them - but this is because this is too broad. For something that may be detrimental to the development of EU nations, but extremely helpful for others -and development, particularly self-development, is something very, very important to me -it may be necessary. Yes, I want the organizations to exist in as many countries as possible; but I do not want to establish them in countries which they would not succeed in.

      The second issue regards the structure of the communal organizations. I will make it clear - no exact structure for them will be imposed, so long as they are decentralized and democratic in nature. They will be formed only according to a sparing set of regulations by member-states, according to local conditions and culture. To have it any way else is but another form of imperialism - cultural imperialism. I have stressed my commitment to self-development; in this, too, I desire as much as possible to be the work of the nation rather than of the EU, for anything else necessarily inspires dependence and continued imperialization.

      The third regards my position on the foreign policy of the EU, particularly sanctions and the UNSR. I do not believe many of the EU-levied sanctions against the UNSR should continue; they violate sovereignty, and also may be hurting the Nicoleizian people. However, sanctions placed against military trade may be wiser. We have had little time to really gauge the UNSR; while it has not shown itself to be unstable, we cannot be entirely sure that this will not change. As of now, relaxing this policy could lead to rash actions by a variety of actors, including the UNSR. I intend to advocate for a policy of tentative reconciliation. As of now, many seem to think that we are almost at war; already we have candidates calling for "peace in Icholasen." This type of thinking must end. We must put aside our romanticism with conflict, and continue talks with the UNSR to allow for detente. Once the UNSR has lasted longer, and proven itself completely, through its actions, that it will remain stable and itself seeks detente and the normalization of relations, the danger of sudden rash actions will have passed, and it may be possible to begin, very slowly, relaxing some of the sanctions against officials and military trade. My intention, unlike many other candidates, is not to plunge the EU into a long-lasting cold war by proposing so-called "peace" that is obviously unacceptable to virtually all actors involved, including both the UNSR and the UDI, or by taking a hard-line stance, whether for the UDI or the UNSR, but to gradually integrate the UNSR, in a way that is at least partially acceptable to the UDI, and prevent an outbreak of hostilities.

      The fourth regards the "fine" I have proposed, to be implemented with the help of the Premier Commissioner. I assure all Europeans that I do not intend to actually levy an additional fine; the Union does not need any more, it already has far more than it needs, it appears. I do not even fully support what I propose - if there were another policy coming anywhere near being close to a solution, I would take it in a heartbeat. But the intention is merely to "redistribute" part of the surplus - to redirect a portion of the rebate that would normally go to an exploiting nation to one that is exploited. Nor will the "fine" apply to all nations with a trade surplus; it is intended only for those with an abnormally high surplus gained through the exploitation of the "periphery" - nations which provide inexpensive labor and resources to them, which may be both rich and poor. Above all, I will ensure that the "fine" will not apply nations which have surpluses through means which do not involve exploitation, and particularly not on nations which are in reality suffering economically. Those who have committed no wrong should not be punished for the actions of others. I am, again, also extremely willing to reconsider this policy, which I see, again, as extremely far from ideal, if another method, less likely to punish the innocent, for discouraging neo-imperialist policies is found or suggested.

      The fifth regards my stance on bureaucracy and how it connects to the rest of my platform. As I stated earlier, we have faceless elites, out of touch, ruling many of our institutions. They seek to impose certain ideas an values on all of Europe. I am quite obviously strongly for matters being dealt with by nations in cooperation, not by additional, extraneous bodies and actors, and have been strongly opposed to a one-size fits all approach to anything, because this is at the core of my ideas - to create a community of equal nations, rather than a system in which certain nations are subjugated by a center which seeks to impose.

      So, then, what about the platforms of others? I will first discuss the EPA platform. I don't see any clear vision in it, or for that matter anything. In Biden's, you can see a clear Euroscepticism; in mine, a clear anti-imperialism and decentralization; but in theirs, what? It seems to merely be a disorganized hodgepodge, as I predicted, of various vague policies that are difficult to interpret. Let us first begin with the statement made by Chairman Donald Tusk, which he makes with his usual spite and anger, previously demonstrated when, for example, he stated that he would support an act well-known to all of us if others did, and oppose it if others did, when he went on a deranged and possibly misogynistic rant during the debate on the budget during which he held the Commission to a standard which has virtually never been met, or when he told, in an indirect way, Duxburians that they should "learn to use Google" as a result of issues over the usage of different calendars.

      Regardless, let us move on. In this statement, he claims that the PEL, in power, did nothing. Let us examine the facts. Only two weeks into office, the Premier proposed the EDA, which then, perhaps due to personal matters, perhaps due to incompetence, perhaps due to malice, spent over two months in voting alone, despite virtually everyone present having submitted their votes quickly after the closing of debate. This came after Tusk proposed nonsense amendments to the act on pretexts that were equally nonsensical, which were thankfully defeated.

      It was a short while after the ending of voting that the budget was proposed; obviously the Premier could not propose it before the passing of the EDA. It was at this juncture the Chairman began to rant against the Premier. Given that it was him who was responsible, for whatever reason, for holding up voting on the EDA, and thus virtually everything else the Commission could have done, for two months, this is somewhat rich. The Commission then opened talks with the UNSR, I believe, an important step. Yes, some of their promises were left unaccomplished by them - but members of the PEL proposed them, or legislation approaching them, separately. It is exceedingly clear that this is the exact opposite of "nothing," and far exceeds anything that the post-Stuart Commission has done, not to belittle the accomplishments of those commissions.

      This is then followed by a series of vague proposals, which mean nothing. They propose the proposal of a "Digital Services Act to protect consumers, establish a powerful transparency and foster innovation, growth and competitiveness." What is the content of this act? How would such an act accomplish this? Have the ramifications of this act on countries of radically different cultures surrounding the goals of the act been considered? None of these questions are answered, even as outline. There is much worse: they want to propose "a new scheme for the European Green Deal, to integrate both common and state policy, giving more sovereignty to member-states and allowing the EU to play a role on the region’s fight against this matter." I have no idea whether the European Green Deal is legal, or whether it is binding, given that it appears to have been made by decree of Juncker, unless if they are referring to the Bergen Agreement, in which case I stand corrected. Regardless, what does any of this mean? How are you going to give "more sovereignty" to member-states, while allowing the EU to play a role? In concrete terms, what does it mean for the people of Europe? How does one "integrate common and state policy?" This is literally just a collection of words that sound good, that when put together convey no actual meaning. Reading this whole platform, I have gained virtually no knowledge of what the candidates of the EPA want for Europe. Again, when you look at Biden, when you look at Desai, you know what they want. When you look at me, you know what I want. When you look at Juncker and Muzhare, you have absolutely no idea what they want or what they are even going to do in office.

      It can always be worse, and at a certain point, the manifesto begins to propose policy that is either illegal or would set an extremely bad precedent. In particular, they want to "[integrate] the proposed European Climate Fund on the Bergen Conference into the European Development Act." The Bergen Agreement is a treaty, not legislation. The legality of it is already somewhat questionable, but can be excused, by arguing that it creates a fund managed by the Union that is presumably independent of it - to create a fund that is part of the Union by treaty would in all likelihood not be legal. Any toying with this area, I feel, would be stepping on already unsteady ground; it would perhaps be better to separate the ECF from the Union entirely, by convening a meeting of ratifying nations and seeking to amend the original treaty.

      Then there are some more proposals which mean nothing, and that really concludes their platform. A nothing-burger with a side of poison is all it is.

      But then, let us look at Biden's platform. It is more concrete, with genuine proposals - but I do not see how they would help anything. Allowing legislation to become treaty-based is again nonsensical - there is absolutely no point to the Union in that case. He also speaks of constitutional reviews and reviews of the Acquis Communautaire to protect sovereignty, and perhaps there is some merit to this, but in the end, without a definition of sovereignty, as I seek to establish with my Sovereignty Charter, to be drafted by representatives of the member-states and to become a part of the Constitution, it will be for naught. We will end up with politicians scribbling over what could very well be useful legislation, claiming that it is against sovereignty because they disagree with it. Biden also does not address the issue of economic sovereignty, which is concerning, but again, not unexpected. Most worryingly of all, however, is his policy on the UNSR. He wants to see an end to tensions between the UNSR and the UDI, a noble goal, but also believes reunification is a possible goal. I don't even think we should be framing the issue of Icholasen on these lines; the UDI is a government-in-exile. But regardless, "reunification" is a proposal unpalatable to both sides - it implies either subjugation or compromise, and neither side seems willing to give up very much. I don't think very much would be resolved in the end; we should instead be focusing on smaller steps, towards such things as ending certain sanctions and normalizing the general environment, instead of even thinking of such things as these.

      Also pertinent is the platform of Desai. I understand that he is a candidate for Premier, but he, as of now, is defining the general policy of ELSS, which Biden is affiliated with. Desai is one of those types who cares very much about sovereignty, but conveniently ignores economic sovereignty, and in many cases works to undermine it. He talks about creating an environment in the EU amenable to business; what does this mean? Imposition of neoliberal policies, perhaps being forced in exchange for a loan? He also talks about running the EU like a business; this would result in very poor results. The EU is a government; if it were a business, it would behave significantly more unethically, all for the purpose of breaking even or lowering the budget. Predatory loans being extended to member-states; the budget being cut far below what is necessary for needed agencies - the EHO, the EAA - resulting in possibly deadly results. That is what businesses do, cut budgets below what is necessary and expect workers to keep going. We might, under him, and any ELSS-affiliated commission, see the EU becoming an active participant in neo-imperialization and the expansion of inequality rather than merely ignoring it. I hope that I am wrong about him, and the ELSS and affiliates as a whole, but unfortunately we have not seen a good track record from politicians using the same rhetoric.

      The choice is yours, Europeans - I implore you to think deeply, and choose well. Thank you for coming, thank you for listening; may you be healthy and in good spirits! Goodbye!

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: The Artabanos Canal Opening Party

      Rikkalek had time to think, now. The past month had been busier than usual, although perhaps that should have been expected. Although perhaps it had, in a way, been easier. Without the constant infighting, the constant interference, everything was much calmer, much smoother.

      Of course, he was now just as powerful, if not more, than the emperors had been. That had given him pause, at first. Now, really, he was just exhausted, too exhausted for it to matter in any significant way. He had stopped dictating; his role was more or less as an administrator, trying merely to keep the country together and functioning Well, of course, that had been his dream, when he had been younger, after ditching traditionalist Catholicism, for the transformation of governing into the administration of things - although this was different in a way, in many ways.

      But he had come here not to work, but to have fun. He hadn't been able to enjoy himself for a while; in the Diessenar sun, he'd thought that things might be different. They weren't, as of now, although the warmth and the mild sunshine were a pleasant change from Kirelesile, where the weather was perpetually frigid but the sun burning. The only thing bad about an otherwise wonderful city, really.

      He put down his copy of The Society of the Spectacle, less something he was reading seriously than an attempt to remind himself of or maybe relive his twenties - he feared, a little, becoming old - placing it in a briefcase otherwise containing an envelope and a folder containing orders he had written and signed on the plane (every second needed to be used, nowadays), of a nature that was surely illegal by European law. A task that unnerved him, that made him feel sick and nauseous and disgusted with himself, the only task that made him, again, fear what he was becoming - but all the same one that was necessary. The people he condemned were irredeemable, terrorists and genocidal maniacs who were incompatible with his republican project.

      He really needed to get his mind off work. Locking the briefcase, but making sure to take out the envelope he stretched his legs, his arms, glanced, a little longingly, at the drinks cabinet (per Liris, government officials ought to lead in example, and it wasn't as though he had liked the debauchery of previous cabinets, so a few things had to given up), before looking out to the canal, its shores, and the occasional billboards. All fairly unfamiliar to him; he'd never been this far south, never seen, for himself, the gently rolling plains, drenched in sun, of this part of the world. The billboards were to him bizarre; why was the brotherhood of two states represented by its leaders? In Istkalen it would be unacceptable and nonsensical, a sign of an inappropriate ego but also a complete disconnection from the reality of the state. It was ostentatious, decadent, something he couldn't help but feel both disgusted and completely confused by. Culture shock, probably.

      It wasn't as though Artabanos was a bad leader. He was an example, in a way; excessive, certainly, but all the same effective. Stabilizing the unstable; well, that was something he could, would, learn from. Almost an obligation at this point, really.

      He quickly snapped back to the yacht. He used to be a more social person; governing the least governable country in all Europe had destroyed that. All the same, lest he seem strange - a disaster not merely for him but for Istkalen, which he needed to normalize, after the chaos, after the insanity - he needed to make an effort.

      He greeted, finally, Artabanos and Karaman - "congratulations on the opening of this Canal, what a magnificent effort!" - before quickly moving to Silas.

      "Ms. Areai wrote a letter to you. I haven't opened the envelope they sent it in, so I don't know what exactly's in it."

      He smiled, softly, and handed the envelope to Silas, before walking away.

      Confirming, in part, what he had said, the envelope was addressed to Rikkalek's office. There was also a return address, but all that could be read of it was "Helvetines en" (the administration of); the remainder had been blacked out.

      The letter was very short, although Rikkalek did not know this, and was as follows:

      Dear Silas Kligenberg,
      Well, this will never get to you. You've become more or less an imaginary figure, whom I write to in anger, at myself more than anything. But I've found it strange. I want to escape who I was, and I felt as though I did, here, even like this. But I occasionally remember the things you tweeted, and I remember again. I don't want to remember, I don't want to revisit that. But I think, now, that it's inescapable. So long as people remember, I won't be able to cleanse myself of what I did - whether it's celebrated, by people like you, or condemned, by the rest.

      I often wish that you wouldn't exist. That I would have a chance at atonement. But you do, and so I must face the fact that I did things, terrible things, forever. I will not feel whole until I am forgiven for what I have done, and when people like you exist, I feel as though I will never receive that forgiveness, and so will live in suffering, like this. Perhaps I deserve it; I probably do. Perhaps this suffering is my atonement, given to me by some deity. Perhaps there is some hope in this. But for me I know that there is no God; my only relief, relief through good works and through forgiveness, is taken from me by this.
      Your love is blind, twisted, but blind nonetheless. There's something a little heartwarming in that. For you, perhaps, it's liberatory in a way. But it chains me down, in so many ways, and I know that it will never end. For you, it's a blessing, but for me it's a curse.
      I've only a few moments, nowadays, to myself, to think like this. Perhaps it's a good thing that I spend it like this, perhaps not.
      With respect,
      Josephine Areai.

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • Introduction of the Council Time-Out Corner

      If a person decides to behave like a toddler, it is necessary to treat them like a toddler.

      Unfortunately, in the Council, we have seen too much of this behavior. We have seen name-calling, tantrums, and so much more, and traditional methods of discipline are either illegal or do not work. What this new introduction will do is both punish the offender while allowing them to reflect over what they have done.

      From this point on, when a Councillor decides to call people names, be unnecessarily rude or offensive to other people, or in general decides to act like a child, they will be told to go to the Council time-out corner, which will be equipped with a bean-bag and chosen board books, as these are most appropriate for the level of maturity shown during these episodes of toddler-like behavior. I doubt that anyone will actually go there, but being told to go there, when it exists, will be punishment enough, I imagine.

      posted in Council Speaker
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: The Government of the Republic of Istkalen

      Official Statement of the Presidency of the Republic of Istkalen

      We are deeply concerned by the events ongoing in Reitzmag and the greater Caspian region. While we condemn, in the strongest terms, the piracy and terrorism perpetrated by the Svarnan regime, we view the ongoing intervention as a disproportionate escalation. The victims of Reitzmic imperialism ourselves, we fear that this war is but another of their ploys to gain influence over Europe, in an effort to rewrite standing diplomatic conventions and traditions in their favor.

      We insist on the preservation of national sovereignty. We insist on the preservation of the European multinational, consensus-based diplomatic tradition. And we strongly oppose any effort to redraw already-made lines in favor of any one center of power.

      We are therefore investigating possible measures to be taken against the Kingdom of Reitzmag, the United Duchies, and their allied powers, on a national and European basis. We have directed our representative in Europolis to begin work on a package of directed diplomatic sanctions against these states, and are currently working with the government to prepare a set of broader economic sanctions.

      We must also note the threat that ongoing militarization poses to Istkalen. We are well-aware of the Kingdom of Reitzmag's intense interest in our natural resources, and strongly believe that, if put into a position to do so, they will invade. The current intervention in Svarna is therefore all the more concerning; it demonstrates the will and the ability of the Reitzmic state to carry out such an action. We have therefore agreed, with the consent of the Prime Minister, to certain protective measures, to be applied to ensure the protection of the state against foreign attack, which are as follows:

      • the imposition of a state of defence in the territory of the Republic of Istkalen
      • the temporary suspension of the autonomy of the Arian Territories
      • the temporary suspension of the National Assembly, and the vesting of legislative powers in the Government
      • the closure of the land border with Reitzmag
      • the reformation of the State Procuration Department, under the Ministry of Planning and Economic Integration, to organize the requisitioning and transport of goods for military purposes
      • the preparation for the evacuation of Kirelesile, in the case of invasion
      • the movement of certain divisions of Republican Defence Force to the land border with Reitzmag, details of which will not be available at this time

      These measures will be voted on by the National Assembly at 06:00 GMT+3, and will then immediately come into force if approved.

      We ask all citizens to remain calm.

      Y. Demirkol

      K. Uklertal

      posted in Government Offices
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Pan-European Festival of Czech Culture

      Country of Origin: Istkalen
      Name of the author: Ilisapit Iykrat, leader of the Communist Party of Istkalen and amateur poet
      Age of the author: 54
      Name of the art piece: Her Love, A Poem Cycle
      The art piece:

      I.

      She looks
      at the masses
      toiling
      below

      She smiles.
      She is very happy.
      The nation is flowering.
      All the workers are freed.
      The liberation is finished.

      Through her leadership
      we are led into paradise.

      Through her leadership
      our fields are bountiful
      our factories productive

      II.

      We are happy
      We are content

      Happy
      Happy behind her
      We know she loves us
      We smile
      She smiles
      We are united

      We must follow her
      She is above all.
      She is our mother
      We must listen to her unconditionally

      All is beautiful

      III.

      She sends us
      We go

      We go there
      to the yellow land
      land of the city

      We work
      We work forever
      All the time, happy

      We are free
      We are happy
      We are happy behind her
      We listen to all she says
      We work in the yellow land
      without end
      without tiredness
      for her

      IV.

      Her loving caress
      is our reward
      for our work in the yellow land

      It is all we
      pursue
      in our work there

      It is all we
      must pursue
      there

      We work there
      We can because we are
      strong and stalwart
      men and women

      V.

      We remember how we went to the factories
      of the yellow land
      She stood before us
      Smiling
      Another, shining like plastic
      Across her
      They embraced
      She screamed
      2000 Kč
      The plastic woman
      gave her
      the money
      We went with her
      willingly
      Happily, smiling

      She beats us,
      but we love it
      For it is from our mother,
      through the plastic woman
      Her rebuke is
      her love, we know
      Every day
      we await our beatings
      because of this

      VI.

      We return. She loves us,
      and she has brought us back
      to her loving arms

      We work hard in our Czech lands,
      hour upon hour,
      for her

      It is our duty
      We help her
      We follow her
      We obey her,
      for she loves us
      truly
      truly
      and would not do
      anything wrong
      to us

      VII

      Everything that she
      does is for us
      when she gives our labor to the yellow land
      to the plastic woman
      it is for us

      when she gives us ourselves to the yellow land
      to the plastic woman
      it is for us

      when she gives our lives, our culture to the yellow land
      to the plastic woman
      it is for us

      when she gives our lands to the yellow land
      to the plastic woman
      it is for us

      VIII

      She is
      mother

      She is the only mother
      We devote to her
      Devote

      She cleaned us
      when we were
      in the womb

      Through her
      we were born
      into this world

      Through her
      we exist

      Through her
      we are happy

      We are content

      She loves us
      unconditionally

      We love her
      unconditionally.

      posted in Culture and Sport
      Istkalen
      Istkalen

    Latest posts made by Istkalen

    • RE: News Media of Istkalen

      Republic

      Government admits to existence of unsecured RDF arms

      The legacy of the demobilization of the social-democratic era Republican Defense Force has bedeviled Istkalen since the end of the Reitzmic occupation. Though now widely seen as a necessary precondition for the establishment of a stable and pluralistic republic in the country, the process flooded civilian society with a large class of young, unemployed, and now largely ostracized fanatics, while also giving already-historically strong revanchist and nationalist political forces a myth of unnecessary, disastrous surrender and collaboration on which they could build a genuine and strong majority. The result has been an extraordinary surge in violence, both political and crime-related, that has delegitimized the state and is still yet to end.

      At the center of the instability, however, has been the question of weaponry. During its retreat from the invading Reitzmic army, as well as the surrender that followed, the Republican Defense Force abandoned its arms to prevent them from coming into the possession of the Reitzmic military, leaving artillery, military transport, and more strewn across the countryside and urban areas. And though the Istkalenic government has consistently maintained that all equipment has since been accounted for, reports of local militias and political paramilitaries using RDF-marked weapons and vehicles are persistent and common.

      Earlier today, however, Prime Minister Elizabeth Íkrat, in a rare public appearance, announced to the public that the "greater part" of RDF equipment remains unaccounted for, putting an end to years of denial and rumor and finally confirming what the vast majority of the public had long suspected.

      "I came to power," Íkrat said, "promising truth to you, who have lived for so long under regimes constructed from lies and lies alone. I am afraid and sorry that I have not been able to deliver. Cowardice and weakness - not the vigor, honesty, and conviction you expected from me - have defined my government, to the extreme detriment of the whole country. It is an immense crime which I will and must live with and for which I expect and demand absolutely no forgiveness."

      "But I wanted," she continued, "to use this moment to do at least a little of what I had told you I intended to do. I rule because you gave me your trust, only for me to immediately break it; you deserve, then, at least something of what you had hoped for when you gave me my position and authority. Much of my term has been consumed with re-establishing the monopoly of the state on force. We have sought to dismantle sectarian militias, nullify the power and influence of competing non-statal groups, and integrate the popular defense groups into the state apparatus in a democratic and consensus-based manner. And we have done so, in large part, to success: the ethnic armed organizations have disarmed, religio-statal groups have agreed to abandon all interference in temporal affairs, and popular self-defense has been made the cornerstone of new public order."

      "But there remains one great challenge we have yet to overcome. It is a challenge everyone, at this point, is well aware of, but a challenge whose existence we and those before us have tried to negate. The governments of the occupation and post-occupation period failed to carry out the full demobilization and dissolution of the social democratic era army. The greater part of its equipment remains completely unaccounted for. And though the recent agreements on disarmament have reduced the amount, it remains, to be clear, a majority."

      "Our denial is shameful," she concluded, "and it is wrong. But rest assured that my government remains committed to peace and truth in Istkalen. We will do all that is within our power to make all the facts of this immense issue known, as they are, to the public and to ensure that all remaining loose arms are brought under full state control."

      Íkrat refused to confirm other, related, and widely-believed rumors about the persistence of RDF units in the Urals; nevertheless, her decision to admit to the state's responsibility is, again, a sea change in rhetoric and in policy that may - even if it does little for her own, personal popularity - bolster the government's weak base of support in the National Assembly and the credibility of the cabinet among the population.

      Elspeth Oskon, rehabilitated, returns to politics

      In October of 2023, Elspeth Oskon, then the Prime Minister, was one of the most hated politicians in all of Istkalen. Seen as a weak collaborator who broke with her former liberalism for the sake of glamor alone, she was an extraordinarily toxic figure whom cabinet members outright refused to have contact with in fear of popular retribution. The resulting level of dysfunction in government was so extreme that, as was then a secret but is now widely known, the military threatened a coup if she was not removed by then acting Head of State Ilmaras Kalessed or the Censorate, as she would eventually be on 11 November 2023.

      Months of inflation, crime, and political violence under Elizabeth Íkrat have, however, led to a rehabilitation of Oskon's image. Where once she was seen as little more than a puppet of the reactionary-Mindrestekist majority on the NSC, she is increasingly viewed as a principled politician who tried but was ultimately unprepared to preserve the continuity of the state and advance her own liberal-conservative and environmentalist agenda in a political era dominated by religion and intense reaction.

      Evidently aware of her growing popularity, she has now made the decision to return to politics. At an event held by an organization uniting survivors of the social democratic-era labor camps, Oskon - herself imprisoned between 2010 and 2021 - gave a speech in which she outlined her basic political ideas - a fortified system of vocational self-government, the full abolition of corvée, and the codification of civil liberties - and called for the creation of a "cross-ideological" movement uniting "pre-social-democratic politicians" so as to facilitate what she termed the "moral healing of the country." She also announced plans for a national tour of rallies and town-halls, ostensibly to "reunify the moderate, conservative, and liberal opposition," though she also suggested that she might use the series of events to create a popular base for her proposed movement.

      Oskon's plans have been met with mixed reactions. Kalju Ilves, former Prime Minister and ex-Statebuilder turned non-inscrit, met them with great enthusiasm, taking to his personal blog to write an over two-thousand word long piece praising her positions and giving his full support to her proposed new "over-party." Kondres Uklertal, another ex-Statebuilder, also expressed his happiness at Oskon's return to politics, writing on Facebook that he was "pleased to see another conservative and democratic environmentalist in politics again." Ikelin Kalmet, State Minister of the Interior for the Ostreté Plain and the new leader of the conservative-liberal Democratic Movement, however, called Oskon an "ideologically bankrupt idiot" who "brings enormous discredit to all Istkalenic conservatives who stand in the defense of civil liberties" before accusing her of being "a murderer." Valeras Ekteran, the twin sister of the deceased Gertrude Echteran and another prominent conservative-liberal, albeit one who is close to old social democracy, also forcefully denounced Oskon, claiming that she is "fit for prison, absolutely not power."

      Oskon's tour will begin at the end of this month, and continue to the end of August.

      Eva van der Bijl and Wolfgang Katzian to return to Istkalen

      Eva van der Bijl and Wolfgang Katzian, ultra-left communist theorists deported from Istkalen in 2021 for having illegally immigrated to the country for purposes of fomenting terrorism have been allowed to return to Istkalen by order of Elizabeth Íkrat.

      "My government," said the Prime Minister at a press conference held on the issue, "is fundamentally committed to civil liberties. It is not right that we continue to keep these two - who have made genuine and sustained contributions to Istkalenic political and philosophical thought - out of the country for purely political reasons. It is true, I will not deny it, that they are eccentrics, that their ideas are bizarre, distasteful, even disgusting - but no more so than much of what abounds on the Istkalenic right. Read the latest issue of Awakening, for example - there you will find perhaps every type of nastiness in every permutation possible. But they are allowed to publish freely, with the support of the population. Why not, then, extend the same right to these two once more?"

      Neither van der Bijl nor Katzian are Istkalenic by nationality. Both philosophers, the two were invited to the country by the prewar government of Beate Meinl-Reisinger as a part of its attempt to stimulate intellectual activity and bring prestige to Istkalenic thought, only to use their residency to issue incomprehensible, but generally violent, manifestos and political texts. Their contributions to political thought are rarely, if ever, given serious treatment by scholars: Katzian's only real innovation is the bizarre "Theory of the Great Pile," which posits that revolution comprises the literal and physical destruction of all physical manifestation of bourgeois-liberal society, while van der Bijl seems content to simply regurgitate old theories and suggestions in a more fervent and passionate manner. If they are known at all in this country, it is only for their attempt to create a republic following the dissolution of the state by order of the Reitzmic colonial authority, highly publicized because of the extraordinary strangeness and grotesque violence of their rhetoric, as well as the ultimate farcicality of their subsequent removal by the conservative "Council of State" they themselves had appointed to manage the country's affairs.

      Since their expulsion, they have largely concerned themselves with organizing the city of Europolis, their new place of residence: they regularly distribute manifestos they have written from door-to-door, write op-eds, though only rarely published, for the Europolis Post, and deliver speeches often hours-long in length in different public parks at peak hours of the day. In early 2024, they went as far as to found a party, managing to recruit 12 other members. This particular project, however, fell apart almost immediately its foundation, with the fourteen splitting into two separate groups - one pro-Katzian-van-der-Bijl, the other vehemently against the two - then four, then eight, and finally sixteen. Katzian and van der Bijl had a falling out shortly thereafter: the day after the collapse of their party, van der Bijl spent several hours plastering all of Europolis over with large posters, which had for content only, in very large font, the sentence "WOLFGANG KATZIAN IS AN IDIOT." Katzian, for his part, gave a 21 hour long speech - bystanders report that it was screamed in its entirety - in a public square denouncing van der Bijl and calling for her death. It is not clear whether or not they have since reconciled.

      Both have confirmed, privately and independently, that they intend to return from Europolis as soon as is possible; neither, however, has yet made any public statements.

      Vistek Rikkalek is dead

      A body found several months ago in a shallow grave on the outskirts of Kirelesile has been identified as Vistek Rikkalek, engineer and former student-organizer.

      Vistek had been missing since July 2023, but had not been believed dead; after conducting a cursory search and investigation from January to March of 2024, police concluded that he had simply decided to retreat from public life and society of his own accord. The discovery of his corpse thus comes as both a surprise and as an embarrassment for local government in Kirelesile. The Mayor, as well as the new Head of the new Popular Militia, has apologized for the "tragic oversight," but no statements have yet been issued by those who led the city or law enforcement at the time of the disappearance and inquiry.

      Initial reports suggest that Vistek died shortly after his disappearance. The cause is currently believed to have been an accidental fall.

      Vistek attended university from 2007 to 2010, and was heavily involved in Social Democratic youth politics. He headed the university party branch from 2008 to 2010, and briefly participated in the attempt of the trade unionists' faction to seize power in 2010; following their failure, he resigned from his position and denounced trade unionism in exchange for his continued freedom.

      He obtained a license in civil engineering, and worked in Kirelesile from 2010 to 2021. His work was well-regarded, and he was a fairly popular contractor in his area; nevertheless, his involvement in the 2010 prevented him from joining the Labor Organization and receiving state recognition of quality. He was nevertheless conscripted by the party to serve as a settler during the ill-conceived war with the rest of the world; he was forced to move from Kirelesile to the village of Milletiné, near the Reitzmic border, where he remained after the conclusion of the war and well into the occupation.

      His life in Milletiné saw him stripped, for having collaborated with the social democrats, of his professional license and thus consigned to manual labor alone; in late July, however, his conviction was overturned by order of the Head of State, although his license was not explicitly restored. The details of his life become unclear from this point to his death; his cousin, Mary Kareskenet, a former minister of state and well-known Catholic public intellectual, says that he rapidly fell ill under the pressures of the new occupation imposed on him, and that, after some negotiation with the People's Committee in Milletiné, in October of 2021 she brought him to Kirelesile to be treated. He was diagnosed with schizophrenia shortly thereafter, and spent the rest of his life in a long-term care facility; Mary's brother, Luke, another former minister of state, essayist, and political commentator, claims that Vistek self-discharged shortly before his disappearance.

      Mary and Luke have since jointly announced a campaign in their cousin's memory for the better understanding and treatment of mental health conditions.

      Vistek was buried in a charity mass-grave for the indigent at an undisclosed location.

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: News Media of Istkalen

      Republic

      Polling 10/3 - 20/3
      conducted by Kalitmulen, 2.331 respondents

      Party Preference
      Social Democratic Party (far-left, in opposition): 19,8%
      National Republican Party (center-right, in government): 15,2%
      Communist Party (left-wing, in government): 13,4%
      Statebuilding Party (center to center-left, in government): 11,7%
      Democratic Movement (right-wing, in government): 10,5%
      Agrarian Union (left-wing, confidence-and-supply): 9,5%
      Republican Labor Party (syncretic/left, in opposition): 8,6%
      Union Party (far-right, in opposition): 6,3%
      Farmer-Green Alliance (center to far-right, in opposition): 2,9%
      Radical Democratic Party (center to far-right): 2,1%

      Government Approval
      approve: 29,1%
      disapprove: 33,4%
      no opinion/other: 37,5%

      Prime Ministerial Preference
      Kalju Ilves (Statebuilding Party, center-left): 25,0%
      Inge Meier (Social Democratic Party, far-left): 16,8%
      Lawrence Ketist (National Republican Party, center): 14,3%
      Ikelin Kalmet (Democratic Movement, center-right): 10,2%
      Indras Irakemar (Communist Party, left-wing): 8,2%
      Elizabeth Íkrat (Communist Party, left-wing, incumbent): 0,7%
      other: 24,3%

      Prime Ministerial Approval
      approve: 1,8%
      disapprove: 93,5%
      no opinion/other: 4,7%

      Councillor Preference
      Iras Tilkanas (nonaffiliated, ex-Communist, left-wing): 61,5%
      Ilinek Varastel (nonaffiliated, ex-Union, far-right): 13,1%
      Merte Maksile (Farmer-Green Alliance, far-right): 6,8%
      other: 10,5%
      undecided: 8,1%

      Councillor Approval
      approve: 82,3%
      disapprove: 10,5%
      no opinion/other: 7,2%

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Hatchet, Buried? (Czechoslavonic-Istkalenic Summit)

      Elizabeth Íkrat awoke to find herself lying on the floor, face to the ice-cold wall, someone tapping, if lightly, her back with an irritating persistence. Her mouth was dry, her eyes hot and watery; her bones ached, and she wanted nothing more than to return to sleep. But the tapper would not stop - the tapper went on incessantly - and so sleep was, already, a lost cause; there was no point in even so much as closing her eyes.

      Elizabeth Íkrat was thus forced to turn over, to move away from her lovely wall, and discover the young Colonel-Minister Kuldar Loime kneeling at her side, face pale and pained, shirtless.

      "Put on a shirt," said Íkrat, voice low and raspy. "You look disgusting." He was not, in fact, disgusting - he was, after all, a young-ish military man who was as close to Western celebrity as was possible in Istkalen - but it was not appropriate, could not be condoned; and in any case, he was the most dangerous sort of thing in Istkalen, a likable reactionary, and so had to be reminded of his place as often as as possible to keep him in check, to prevent him from getting any real ideas.

      "The Czechs have arrived," said Loime, tone measured. He seemed entirely unperturbed; a shame, really. But what else to expect from the type of man insane and resilient enough to be popular and power-hungry in Istkalen? Nothing, nothing at all...

      "More reason to put on a shirt," Íkrat complained. "You were in one when we got here. Why did you take it off?"

      "Get up," Loime said, reaction still, somehow, absent from his response. "You'll upset them if they find you here sleeping. Imagine, you write them an apology, invite them here so as to deliver it in person, and then they find you lying down in the corner of the room, half-asleep..."

      "Imagine, they come here and find you shirtless."

      "I'll put something on."

      There was nothing left, then, for Íkrat to do but to sigh, rouse herself, and wander out to go and find the Czechs. She had not quite managed to make the Colonel bow, but she had gotten him to do something, or at least say that he was going to do something, and that was perhaps prostration enough - enough to keep him subdued a day more, enough to keep reaction at bay, at arm's length.

      Surrounded by corruption, she muttered bitterly, allied with reaction, playing these strange, paranoid mind-games; she was dead, really, and carrying on as a corpse simply out of mechanical duty (ritual?)

      But put it aside, she thought; yes, you are a corpse. Thinking is not your province; thinking is for the living. So go on, go on; going on is all that's left to you.

      Four turns down hallways she barely recognized brought her to the Czechs - a strange man in stranger clothing, dignitaries in suits she did not recognize, and then, then, the dearest mother, the Paramount Leader, the President for Life - !

      She screamed in anguish, looking up to the heavens as her knees trembled violently, in fear and awe and shame, before giving out entirely; she fell to the ground, prostrating herself before her superior, sobbing profusely. She perceived, dimly, Loime bursting through (in suit and tie again, praise be to God), stumbling, gasping, but it was of no matter, no matter in comparison to the terrible need to confess and to repent bursting so violently in her heart as the radiant light of the woman before her singed and scorched her slimy, fallen flesh....

      "Forgive me!" she yelled, her voice shrill, already hoarse. "Oh, forgive me, forgive me, forgive me...."

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Amendment to the Nuclear Proliferation Act

      I withdraw this amendment.

      Iras Tilkanas
      Councillor for the Republic of Istkalen

      posted in European Council
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: News Media of Istkalen

      Republic

      *Íkrat has headed off the internal threats to her rule - but is not yet out of hot water

      Against all odds, Elizabeth Íkrat has managed to consolidate power and put an end to the disintegration of the country.

      Under her direction, the Tabithist (formerly Arian) Church has surrendered much of its hard power in exchange for relaxed regulations on evangelism and public communications and guaranteed representation in certain national cultural organizations, releasing the ex-members it had abducted and held captive in an attempt to gain leverage over the government, dissolving the "intentional communities" it had founded to disrupt governance and foment terrorism in Kirelesile and the former German Territories, and surrendering what remaining arms it was allowed to retain under the October Accords it agreed to following the failure of its attempt to seize control of the Istkalenic state.

      The paramilitary of the Agrarian Union, led by the still-obscure far-left firebrand Veia Veivet Iveva, and the increasingly restless "young officers" of the Istkalenic military, allegedly led by long-time ASPIS head Lauri Laakonen, ex-Colonel Kuldar Loime, and Colonel Kallentan Ésketemar, have, too, stood down in the violent campaign they, in a tenuous alliance, had led across the countryside to root out perceived corruption, material, moral, or otherwise, and re-establish what they saw as "18th of April revolutionary institutions" unfairly dissolved previously governments, such as the radical feminist Women's Committees and the levelling, redistributionist People's Courts. In exchange for a number of admittedly significant concessions - Veia Veivet Iveva and Lauri Laakonen have been made the country's co-presidents, succeeding interim Head of State Ursula Korhonen, the Agrarian Union paramilitary is to be integrated into the existing civilian police force, and the Women's Committees, though not People's Courts, are to be re-established with full powers across the country - they have agreed to recognize the legitimacy of the national government and the monopoly on power, and particularly violence, it is thus entitled to.

      Even the Radical Democratic Party, which had used its positions in cabinet and in parliament, in addition to its paramilitary presence in Kirelesile, to intimidate the government into placing strict caps on non-Kitetois wealth and participation in the professions, has been forced to kneel before a newly bolstered and emboldened Íkrat, agreeing to surrender its arms and allotted ministerial portfolio, receiving in exchange only amnesty for those of its members guilty of inciting and participating in intercommunal violence.

      Only the religiously-aligned Censorate remains out of purely civilian government; while its ability to directly influence and even govern parts of the country is now significantly diminished from its peak in mid-December, it retains its independence and hatred for Íkrat, with its President, Ursula Orlich, continuing to threaten to do, in her own words, "everything that is possible" to "permanently end liberal Western perversion in Istkalen" and "oust, condemn, and mercilessly punish Íkrat and all of her traitor-collaborators in the civil service." But even the Censorate must now continue its campaign against the cabinet and the parliament from a point of precarity - with Íkrat now re-empowered, her government can once again threaten and deliver on its threats, and thus place severe practical restrictions on the ability of the institution to execute its plans to abolish Istkalenic parliamentary democracy.

      But Íkrat is by no means out of danger. Though she has managed to put an end to any serious institutional threat to her power, she has done so, again, only by making enormous compromises that may ultimately do more to undermine the state than even her earlier intransigence did. By granting the Tabithists free reign to propagandize to the population at large, they have put the country at genuine risk - especially considering the growing reaction against the rapid cultural liberalization of the occupation and Rikkalek years - of a future fundamentalist uprising, one which would put the Lirisian foundation, increasingly Western-liberal nature, and by extension stabliity of the modern Istkalenic state in question. The integration of the unruly, highly ideological, and mob-like paramilitaries of Veia Veivet Iveva, too, already threatens to place the continued rule of law in question, and may serve, if Íkrat ever again falls out with Iveva and her followers, as a dangerous fount of revolution. This is not to speak of the legitimization of the "young officers," a group which descends from the NSC, remains deeply enamored with the idea of military rule, and now have effectively been told that mutiny remains possible and enormously promising as an avenue for change - nor of the lack of consequences faced by the provocateurs and thugs of the RDP, who now remain free to continue to stoke ethnic tensions and division in Istkalen.

      Perhaps more importantly, virtually all of these cessions and concessions are deeply unpopular with the Istkalenic people. Though the resulting stability has managed to create statistically significant improvements in public approval for the Íkrat government - where its support once was as low as 13-17%, it now appears to stand in the low to mid twenties, from 21-25% - there is significant evidence to show that they have also led to an even further collapse in public trust around it. In mid-December, before these agreements, distrust, while high, was also unusually weak - though roughly 90% of Istkaleners indicated a lack of trust in the sitting ministry, only 5% of their number insisted that theirs was strong. Now, however, though distrust remains in the low 90s, its strength has exponentially increased; a supermajority of those claiming a lack of trust insisted that theirs was strong in polling organization Kalitmulen's January poll. If Istkalenic opinion was capricious before, only God might be capable or properly describing what it might be now, under such extraordinary conditions - and even then it may very well be that He is incapable of rising to the task. In any case, with suspicion now so intense, even the slightest of mistakes might now lead to the Íkrat government losing virtually all of its credibility. With so many alternative centers of power having survived the crisis, such an event would almost certainly be catastrophic for the continued survival of the Republic.

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: The EU's Latest Tweets

      from Sitné Bowel, personal attorney of Reszelport Jezebel-Swift: "Obvious irregularities in Conch Kingdom vote - time for a #recount!" Tagged as misinformation

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: News Media of Istkalen

      Republic

      The chaos is unacceptable. Íkrat and her government must resign

      Veia Veivet Iveva and her mobs, now fully integrated into the organization of the Agrarian Union, run rampant across the countryside, kidnapping and imprisoning hundreds of politicians, bureaucrats, and community leaders in their effort to purge the country of what they see as "corruption" and "cosmpolitanism."

      The thugs of the Arian Church - though, with its recent formal rejection of Arius and his doctrine, it hardly deserves the name anymore - abduct, en masse, the women, men, and children who have managed to escape its violent, medieval clutches to the so-called "intentional communities" it has established across the country with the full protection of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the full-throated backing of the Farmer-Green Alliance.

      The Ministry of Justice, led by professed ethnonationalist Gertrude Istikas, works to dispossess and displace ethnic minorities, persecute and imprison their leaders, and redistribute the resulting gains to rural Kitetois, leaving tens, if not at this point hundreds, of thousands penniless and homeless, forced to march hundreds of miles away from their actual homes to impoverished, if even existent, villages in the most isolated possible regions of the Urals and far north.

      The Censorate has seized control of supply and distribution networks across the country in order to extort ordinary Istkalenic people and force a return to feudal order, compelling millions of people across the country to labor under cleric-"judges" in positions not far removed from serfdom in a deluded and deranged attempt to restore the world of Liris.

      The Istkalenic people themselves, where it was still possible for them to, voiced their desire for peace and republican order at all cost, decisively rejecting, in the local and regional elections of 1 November, the political forces whose negligence had led to this extraordinary civil collapse in favor of those with the will to restore the authority of the state and its law by any means necessary.

      Yet Prime Minister Elizabeth Íkrat looks upon at all this carnage, all this suffering, and proclaims - even as the people she represents practically demand her removal and the armed forces begin to act of their own accord to control the escalating chaos - that her hands are tied.

      It is not often that the editorial board of Republic makes endorsements. We have sought, throughout the years, to keep our public image as neutral as possible in order to ensure the continued survival of both the extraordinary project we have the honor of directing and of the Republic from which it takes its name. But the current situation is untenable and inexcusable to such an extreme degree that neutrality - and the silence it implies - has become impossible. The continued survival of both state and civil society in question, action - action with all tools at hand, action with all possible force, action through all avenues possible - is now absolute exigence, one it would be not merely treason but also absolute self-destruction to ignore.

      We therefore call upon Elizabeth Íkrat and her government to resign and give way to a government of experts, led by the country's security forces. We see no other possible solution to the crisis: the current cabinet has lost all credibility and, even in the highly unlikely case of a change in course, has no hope of regaining control over the situation, while no other civilian force, whether it be party or union, commands enough support to be able to rise to the immense task of re-establishing any semblance of order.

      We further demand the complete neutralization of anti-democratic forces in the country. Religious traditionalists, whether they be the Lirisians of the Censorate or the Christians of the "Arian" Church, must no longer be allowed any space in public life; the state must make a concerted attempt to completely and permanently destroy their ability to organize and perpetuate their message by any means necessary. Those who agitate against the Republic and the concord of nationalities, too, must no longer be allowed free reign; the state and civil society must be lustrated of their presence. The preservation of basic rights, virtue, and peace must take absolute precedence, now and in the future, over the liberal concerns that lead too often to illiberalism.

      We nevertheless insist upon the preservation of constitutional order. It is in no one's interest to see a repeat of the disastrous NSC model; not merely would it delay a return to normalcy, it also would almost certainly provoke further conflict, including within the ranks of the armed forces themselves, and risk outright civil war. Civilian authority, as represented by the National Assembly and, above all, acting Head of State Ursula Korhonen, must continue to hold ultimate control over state throughout the entirety of this extraordinary period. It is of the utmost importance, if a peaceful, just, and democratic settlement is ever to be reached, that the continuity of state be preserved and institutions remain as intact and undisturbed as possible.

      Our project was founded with and for the Republic, and as journalists we are bound to both their defenses; it is for this purpose and no other that we make our appeal. Our record is clear: we are not the type to our own personal convictions and biases motivate us to such drastic action. Our entreaties and demands, radical as we know them to be, come solely out of our concern for our country.

      We hope, above all, that we will be heard, and action taken, before it is too late.

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: EuroVoice 46 | Málaga, Spain

      Nation name: Republic of Istkalen
      Artist: Choir of the "Arian Apostolic Church"
      Song: Ever Burn
      Link to youtube: LINK
      Vote deliverer with their image linked: "Reszelport Jezebel-Swift"
      Link to your flag: FLAG

      posted in Culture and Sport
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: News Media of Istkalen

      Republic

      Polling 20/11 - 30/11
      conducted by Kaitmulen, 3.041 respondents

      Party Preference
      Social Democratic Party (far-left, in opposition): 28,5%
      Agrarian Union (syncretic, in opposition): 14,1%
      Republican Labor Party (formerly Republican Syndicalist, syncretic/left, in opposition): 12,2%
      Farmer-Green Alliance (center to far-right*, in government): 10,1%
      National Republican Party (center to center-left, in government): 9,8%
      Democratic Movement (center to center-right, in government): 9,5%
      Statebuilding Party (center to center-left, in government): 8,3%
      Radical Democratic Party (center to center-right, in government): 6,1%
      Communist Party (left, in government): 0,9% -
      Union Party (far-right, in opposition): 0,2%

      *party nominally centrist, but collaborates w/ far-right "Arian church" and other radical sects

      Government Approval
      approve: 15,4%
      disapprove: 80,1%

      Councillor Preference
      (candidates with >5% support + incumbent)
      Veia Veivet Iveva (Agrarian Union, eurosceptic): 19,4%
      Ilinek Varastel (unaffiliated far-right, europhilic): 18,1%
      Milrakas Ikoszer (Democratic Movement, eurosceptic): 14,8%
      Merte Maksile (Farmer-Green Alliance, europhilic): 12,5%
      Kalju Ilves (Statebuilding Party, europhilic): 10,6%
      Iras Tilkanas (Communist Party, europhilic, incumbent): 0,2%

      Councillor Approval
      approve: 1,2%
      disapprove: 96,7%

      if voting for coalitions as constituted in November of 2022:

      Labor (syncretic): 45,1%
      Agrarian Union (syncretic): 30.2%
      Social Democrats (center-left to left-wing): 14,1%
      Union (far-right): 6,8%
      Liberation (far-left): 3,8%

      posted in European News Consortium
      Istkalen
      Istkalen
    • RE: Istkalenic Elections 2024

      Results - Indirect Elections to the National Assembly

      Indirectly elected seats before election
      63 - Agrarian Union
      45 - National Republican Party
      42 - Statebuilding Party
      40 - Union
      23 - Social Democratic Party
      15 - Radical Democratic Party
      10 - Farmer-Green Alliance
      7 - Democratic Movement

      Indirectly elected seats after election

      49 - Agrarian Union
      39 - Statebuilding Party
      36 - Democratic Movement
      31 - Communist Party
      29 - Republican Labor Party
      25 - Farmer-Green Alliance
      17 - Social Democratic Party
      12 - National Republican Party
      7 - Radical Democratic Party

      Composition of the new National Assembly

      82 - National Republican Party
      69 - Agrarian Union
      64 - Social Democratic Party
      63 - Statebuilding Party
      59 - Democratic Movement
      41 - Republican Labor Party
      41 - Communist Party
      35 - Farmer-Green Alliance
      21 - Union Party
      20 - Radical Democratic Party

      Government: 300
      Opposition: 195

      posted in Politics and Incidents
      Istkalen
      Istkalen