Kalju Ilves, the Prime Minister of Istkalen, had been the intended recipient of the invitation. It was unfortunate, then, that he had forgotten about it in a matter of a few hours; between the provocations of Ilmaras Kalessed and the constant threats of the tiresome Reszelport Jezebel-Swift, he had far too much on his mind, more important things to think of, to worry about, to do.

And so it had laid, at a slight angle, at the edge of his desk, peeking out only slightly under a great pile of papers and orders and reports, an unending procession of things that he had to but did not want to do.

Then he had gone, quickly and suddenly, to the wilderness, dragged there by his closest confidant, for a fishing trip. He did not like fishing very much; he had tried it once and found it the most boring thing in the world, constant waiting and sitting for nothing, or at most something so little it was essentially nothing. But he'd known Kondres for years; it would hurt him to say no. And he could not risk Kondres being hurt, either; that would be both their ends, when the end inevitably came. And anyways the man had been imprisoned in some Reitzmic camp until but a few months ago. This was his first personal request to him since he'd been released; who was he to deny it?

So he had gone, and now was lying down with Kondres on the needle-carpet of the forest floor, the two both silent, listening to the quiet movement of the insects, the soft breeze passing through the spreading canopy above them, feeling warm and complete and content, thinking of what could be, some dawn perhaps not so far away. No fish that day, but what did it matter?

His office sat empty and dark, blinds closed, door shut. He had packed all the papers away shortly before he had gone, neatly organizing them into folders, at last hidden in a locked, unassuming filing cabinet in the corner. They would be sitting there for some time, until at last he returned. It would be a while, in all likelihood; weeks, perhaps even a month.

The invitation remained on the desk, a light layer of dust collecting on it. It was there when the cleaner had come. He had gone immediately to the desk, noticing that, at last, something had been left out. The Prime Minister had in the past been terribly fastidious in clearing the room of his presence; but now he had left something behind.

He blew the dust off it it; scanned it. He had always been proud of being literate, it gave him a certain power. His wife had told him that it meant nothing; that in 'these modern times' (she was always speaking of modernity and progress and things that were new) everyone was literate. What nonsense! And now she had kicked him out, with their children, after he had tried to teach her a lesson, for her own good; they had all turned against him for his act of goodwill.

The invitation was truly disgusting to him. All these Istkaleners were immoral heathens; but he had not known that their immorality had descended to such depths. To go to this modern Sodom! How sinful, how salacious!

But all the same he had to pray for them all, just as he had prayed for his deviant wife, the raving lunatics he called his children, and the witches of the Women's Committee in his hometown, who had screamed at him all those months ago words like "abuser" before attempting to put him in prison for some imagined crime, all these people who had driven him from wealth and power to this horrible, dirty city, where he sat on the streets, grimy, as people spat on him, kicked him. Where at last he was driven to crawl to get women's work, for a tenth of a ketsel a day. Who had driven him to this place, surrounded by sinners who looked down on him, patronizing him, giggling at him; this place, where he had to live in a cage with dozens of others, who engaged in the most Godless of activities before his very eyes.

Yes, he had to pray for them, and so he would pray for the sinners here. So that when justice came and righteous men possessed by the Holy Spirit wrung their pencil-necks, made weak by constant sin, as their eyes bugged out, faces turning red, mouths opened trying to scream, they would be saved. For he loved them all, had forgiven them all, no matter how ungrateful or degenerate they were, no matter their constant disrespect for God and the order He had established.

But what to do about the invitation itself?

Pope Tabitha was busy circling the Vatican with a red marker on a map. The body of the Church had rotted away. All the women, except at the very top, had deserted her; they were all now functionaries in a new church of heathens, this so-called 'Federation of Women's Commitees,' where they constantly discussed the so-called 'patriarchy,' this thing which God had ordained and which they rejected for the institutions of man. The seminaries had been abandoned; so many of the young men had suddenly left them, and then gone off to engage in sinful behavior. They had all left for that hotbed of sin, Kirelesile; they had taken to having relations among themselves, sometimes with some other men who had been raised in sin from birth. The actual priesthood was either outside the faith or in prison, with one or two exceptions, but no more than that. Everything had fallen to ruins, and she was in agony. All this the doing of the Communists. They would be squashed, if God willed it.

But the Church had to go on. She had to go on, with her holy task. She stared again at the tiny dot of the Vatican, and put even more pressure on the marker as she circled. She would take it, she had to take it. She had failed once, but she would try again, and again, and again, until at last it was hers, the true Church fully restored and the antipope dead.

A knock on the door.

"Come in, my child," she said cheerily, smiling widely.

The door opened, with a few creaks; behind it was Erkas Tilisek, one of her last devotees as everything came crashing down. Although even Matik Katonet, who she had thought was devoted to her, had left her. He had tried to join the other young men, but had quickly been arrested for a myriad of charges by the secular police. The wages of sin, she thought. But it showed that even Erkas could leave her one day., and that left her terribly anxious.

Tilisek was out of breath, carrying an envelope in a shaky hand. "Your Holiness, we must travel to Blue Croatia. Immediately," she said.

"The Lord has condemned them," Tabitha replied. "Like their predecessors in Sodom and Gomorrah, they will be smited. Fire will come raining down from the sky, and they will be crushed, destroyed, by His might."

"But we must still pray for them. Perhaps some of them can be saved, still." Tilisek's voice was plaintive, her words emotional as she seemed to be struggling to keep back tears.

"Why do you cry, my child?" asked Tabitha. "The Lord has made his decision. He is infinitely just and infinitely kind. This is what is right."

"Your Holiness. I do not speak on my own behalf." Tilisek swallowed, panting. "In the morning, the Holy Spirit came upon me; I was thrown onto the floor. The angels were singing, and a great, beautiful light opened above me. Christ stood on a golden cloud, and He spoke. It was wonderful, wonderful, I cannot put in simple words, it cannot be expressed. But God has had mercy! He has given them another chance, if they are willing to repent. We must go, to save them, it is our...our holy duty. The Lord Himself gave it to us! And look, look, here, a devoted man, a man of the faith, gave this to me, he stumbled upon it in the offices of the secular authorities."

Tabitha could not speak for a second.

"Truly the Lord has spoken," she whispered, in awe, when at last she had recovered from what had been said to her. "We must go," she continued, now firmly. "God has given us this duty, and we must carry it out. We must deliver these people from sin, from death!"

And so they set out, by plane, accompanied by their exorcist, Kinides Peralkal, to deliver the poor Sodomites of Blue Croatia from the sin that had consumed them, from certain death; to give them the gift of the living water, of life that would surely not end, through Christ above.

They were, at last, at the site of the pulsing heart of sin. The three of them, two women and one man, covered themselves with veils so that they would not be tempted by the sin around them; they looked down as they walked towards the morally blackened center. Under their loose clothes, which covered every inch of their bodies in crimson-dyed muslin and polyester (purchased for everyday low prices from the Church's very own acclaimed line of budget supermarkets, Jesusmart), they carried bowls of holy water, with pocket-copies of the Bible, as well as gilded crucifixes, hanging from their necks; they recited, constantly, the words of the Lord, the Bible, that infallible, unchanging holy document. They saw nothing but their feet, and parts of the ground beneath them; no more. They sought to plug their eyes and their eyes to the jeering, sinful men around them; to steel themselves, mentally, for their task. They seemed to be moving, red wraiths, nothing visible except the fabrics draped around them, neither heads nor feet.

"The Lord is my shepherd, I shall not want," whispered Tabitha, the bowl of holy water steady in her hands as she looked down at her papal red shoes, trying as hard as she could not even to look at the ground, which surely itself was cursed. "He makes me lie down in green pastures, he leads me by still waters..."

They would begin soon, once God had given them the necessary strength.

"Yes, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil, for You are with me..."

A Message to Silas Kligenberg

This is disgusting; I am a lesbian.

I propose the following amendment, crediting Councillor Lallana for many of the ideas in it.

AMENDMENT I

...and suspends them from office and public service for a period of 7 days from the passage of this measure. requires them to take a two-week seminar program, organized by the European Commission, regarding gender inequality and gender inclusivity. Cllr. Tusk will then be required to make a public, official, and full apology, without any excuses or explanations rationalizing his behavior, which acknowledges and explicitly explains how his words were demeaning and wrong, in a way that does not shift the blame for the wording and its interpretation on others, and which fully acknowledges personal culpability. He shall then personally deliver a handwritten copy of the apology to presently Premier Cikarova, who shall then have the choice to accept it or reject it as insincere. If the apology is found insincere, Cllr. Tusk will be required to retake the seminar program, and submit another apology, and do so as many times as necessary until the apology is found sincere. Upon acceptance of the apology, Cllr. Tusk will be required to travel to the predominantly German-speaking regions of Istkalen, where he will be required to attend at least ten sessions of Women's Committees of his choice, after which he will be required to write a detailed report explaining all that he heard, what he extrapolated from it, and how he has recognized the injustice done to women and his personal contribution to such injustice, as well as how he will work to rectify both of these, which he must give to the Council Speaker. Cllr. Tusk will then be required to complete 100 hours of community service for the whole of the EU, the contents of this service decided by the Commission at that date.

Iras Tilkanas
Councillor for the Republic of Istkalen

Postimees: Our Electoral Predictions

From arduous research into past election patterns and polling, we have constructed the following electoral predictions.

Legend

• white: tossup
• red: PEL
• yellow: EPA
• orange: independent, center-left
• blue: independent, center-right

Only two countries are expected to be tossups this election - Fremet, whose electorate is likely to continue viewing the UNSR as a major issue - and may dislike Juncker's more hardline stance towards the nation, especially in contrast with its government's softening policy - and Ruthund, which, as with previous elections, is likely to see national sovereignty as its primary issue.

Both of these nations are expected, however, to see increasingly weakening support for Juncker in the coming days. With his pledge to not implement the protocols for détente contained within the Condemnation of the Coup in Icholasen - and thus to violate Constitutional protocols - the electorate in both nations is likely to turn away from him.

Turning to oddities, we now analyze Inquista and Vayinaod.

Inquista continues its march leftwards; however, EPA and PEL candidates are nominally tied there, almost exactly. With Čikarová able to win an election quite strongly there despite not even running, however, our analysts believe that it is more likely that the PEL will come out on top.

Vayinaod is stranger - it is likely that it is the best choice among three relatively mediocre candidates for them. Koline's campaign, focused primarily on creating an international economic system more in line with modern economics, may be distancing and heavy-handed for them; Juncker, on the other hand, may be seen as bordering on populist, lacking real substance and detail and making up for it with increasingly "radical" ideas against the Council.

The nations that Koline is to take, save for her home nation, which may not even be able to vote, are themselves quite strange. The United Duchies seems to be voting for her simply because Juncker is seen as the candidate of impersonal neoliberalism and Čikarová a communist; Reitzmag for similar reasons.

The remainder of nations, save for those expected to abstent, typically vote with the EPA.

Those expected to abstent will likely do so in the absence of true Eurosceptic candidates.

In terms of changes, several benefit Koline - with her having seen large "jumps" in support in several nations; however, these are not as important; on the other hand, Juncker has seen increases in popularity in many nations as well, generally those he was already likely to win.

The Internal Affairs election continues with a relatively similar pattern - the EPA continuing to dominant in its usual heartlands, Fremet and Ruthund as toss-ups, and the Duxburian Union, Inimicus, and Pravoslaviya as abstenting.

The only differences are with Vayinaod, Istkalen, and Reitzmag, which each likely changed as a result of the presence or absence of better candidates.

It effectively is a reflection of the Premiership race, with little change having occurred.

Koline 2021 - Towards a Union with Purpose

The European Union has no purpose; no reason to exist. No tangible benefits; nothing. It is simply there to exist. To leave it would have no negative impact; to join it, however, would leave one that is negative.

I stand here against this. The EU should and must have a purpose and benefits if it wishes to exist for much longer.

I am not one who likes to speak in vague platitudes, vague proposals. Nor am I a person who is fond of pomp and circumstance. No.

So I thus, perhaps abruptly, bring you the policies I propose.

The Political Structure of the Union

1. Repeal the European Elected and Accountable Council Act. Already gutted, the reasons for its existence are few and nonsensical. Any dictatorship could very well get away by holding very realistic-looking sham elections; there is no reason why they should be given any more justification to try to claim themselves as anything other than what they are. The law is a simple infringement on the rights of member-states at this point, nothing more, nothing less.

2. Abolish the European Assembly. This institution was but useless before the passage of the EACA. Now, of course, it has a use; but even then, what can it do? It has failed even at being a forum. Upon the repeal of the EACA, its sole purpose for existence will have died away, and then it can finally be given the peaceful death it deserves.

3. Regulate the uses of the European Court of Justice. As Angleteric Chief Justice of the ECoJ Sir Ken Frobisher stated in 2016, the ECoJ should not be a criminal court. Breaches of the UDoHR made by individuals should be tried solely on a national level; if a country does not do so, then it should be brought to the ECoJ by another member-state. In essence: the ECoJ for member-states and member-states alone.

4. Give the ECoJ a functioning system of justice. The European Court of Justice should have some way of meting out punishment, up to imprisonment, for members of a government implicated in severe breaches of the UDoHR. It should be made a priority to define this system of punishment by law, in a way agreeable to all member states.

5. By treaty, establish a separate European Criminal Court. At times, it is impossible to avoid trying individuals. Under the proposed changes to the European Court of Justice, it would be impossible to try warlords, leaders of terrorist groups, or individual members of a government for crimes against humanity and so on and so forth. It should thus be the priority of the Commission to call the leaders of member-states as to draft a treaty - to define crimes against humanity, war crimes, and so on and so forth, as well as to establish a European Criminal Court to try them.

6. Create a treaty defining sovereignty. Again, as former Angleteric Chief Justice Sir Ken Frobisher stated, sovereignty is ill defined. A European treaty, defining sovereignty, thus must be created, as to ensure that the European Union is no longer able to infringe, whether purposefully or unintentionally, on the sovereignty of individual nations.

Institutions and Regulations of the Union’s Powers

1. Temporarily suspend the Neurodivergent Rights Act. This act has brought economic centers of the Union into freefall, and thus must be temporarily repealed. Its replacement should be made on a basis closer to consensus; the Commission will have the priority of opening a discussion on the issue in the Council, and should prefer that it be made as an amendment to the UDoHR.

2. Implement the Condemnation of the Coup in Icholasen. Talks with the UNSR will be held as according to the Condemnation; it will be supported and upheld by my potential administration.

3. Standardization of Telecommunications and Postal Policies. As with monetary policies, telecommunications and postal policies remain essentially unregulated. In order to maintain the radio spectrum as a commons, forms of communication through similar mediums, as well as coordination in terms of telecommunication satellite orbits, a European Telecommunication Union must be established. At the same time, as to ensure that international mailing remains simple and streamlined for Europeans, a European Postal Union must be established, as to ensure that citizens of all member-states may send mail directly to all other member-states, using the protocols of the sender’s country to the extent that it does not endanger safety. States outside of the Union will be outside of the Union; those which leave will no longer be under its protection. They will thus be forced to re-negotiate individual “postal treaties” with individual member-states.

4. Creation of a European Labor Organization. Many, many European policies have negatively impacted workers; at the same time, the Union lacks any cohesive charter of workers’ rights, especially regarding the right to unionize and to strike. As such, a European Labor Organization, as to develop such a charter, to be adapted as time progresses, to issue recommendations to individual countries as for their implementation, as well as for the ensurance of such things as employment, especially in regards to the coming “green transition,” and to advise the European Council on the effects of potential legislation.

5. The introduction of agricultural, industrial, and education/science/culture related communication. Communication regarding advances in these spaces is severely lacking in our Union. The Commission should thus see it as its responsibility the creation of institutions for the three of these, primarily to facilitate communication in these three areas, but also as to collect statistics regarding them and compile recommendations for member-states, and, to an extent, extend low-interest loans to nations meeting specific criteria and willing to carry out certain conditions as to ensure that they are paid back. The education/science/culture related institution will likely be merged with the presently existing EACB, as to ensure streamlining of bureaucracy. Provisionally, these can be titled the European Agricultural Institution (EAI), the European Industrial Institution (EII), and the European Institution of Education, Science, and Culture (EIESC).

6. Reformation of the Sanction Powers Act. The presently established mechanism through which sanctions can be made under this act is cumbersome; however, the definitions and regulations it creates are valuable. The Commission should and must be cut out of it; apart from that, however, it is generally better.

Treaties and Agreements

1. A treaty regarding clean air. As of now, not a single regulation exists for the protection of clean air. Of special concern is the fact that cluorofluorocarbons appear to remain legal. A treaty, organized by the Commission, should thus be made as to move towards clean air, as well as the prohibition of genuinely damaging substances such as CFCs.

2. A treaty regarding the protection of biodiversity. Severe declines in biodiversity, whether as a result of logging or pollution, have been observed across the European Union. In order for it to be protected, a treaty, to be drafted ideally by member-states with the Commission as a contributing figure, should be made.

3. A treaty regarding the usage of space. In order to preserve space as the commons of mankind, as well as to ensure that it is preserved for both research and prosperity, the Commission should lead efforts as to draft a treaty regarding the usage of space.

4. A treaty regarding waters universally considered as international. The European Union should not interfere with the individual claims of countries; however, water that is universally considered international should be regulated in terms of use. For this purpose, the Commission should lead the drafting of a multilateral treaty regarding this.

5. A treaty regarding standards of diplomacy. Presently, no treaties exist regarding standards of diplomacy, including diplomatic immunity. It is thus perhaps necessary to introduce these standards, as stated before, through a multilateral treaty.

Monetary and Trade Policy

1. Establish regulations on trade. Again, I borrow here from the Angleteric Chief Justice Sir Ken Frobisher. Regulations should and must be placed on international trade as to ensure competitiveness. For example, nations should not be permitted to, for example, devalue or manipulate their own currency as to gain an economic edge. This is to be accomplished with the creation of a general treaty regarding trade.

2. Establish a European Monetary Fund. While likely an unpopular idea, such a fund is primarily meant to ensure economic stability. When a country is at risk of defaulting on loans, or if it is in deficit and thus dependent on investments likely soon to stop, the European Monetary Fund will extend a low-interest loan as to allow it to pay off the loans or maintain its economy, increasing economic confidence and ensuring that large banks, on which much of Europe is dependent, are saved from bankruptcy.

3. Establish the euro as reserve currency. Presently, reserve currencies dominant in Europe suffer the issue of being national currency. Whether the EMU or the Kael, they are constrained at least in part by domestic policy. In order for reserve currency to be stable, it must be international in nature, its purpose solely to be a reserve currency. The euro, presently seemingly dormant, provides the perfect basis for this. The European Central Bank thus should have the responsibility of attempting to establish it as a reserve currency.

4. Separate unrelated institutions from the European Central Bank. Unrelated institutions like the Labor Exchange and the Loan Exchange should be separated from the European Central Bank and be made their own, independent institutions.

5. Establish an International Trade Organization as to facilitate trade between nations. It will act as a market of sorts, allowing nations to exchange products easily in a relatively free manner, regulating itself. The purpose of such an organization primarily is meant to make trade significantly easier for all, giving further strength to the poorer nations of the Union and allowing for greater prosperity.

6. Establish a European Court of Commerce, as to negotiate and create final settlements for trade disputes.

AN ADDRESS (CONDUCTED VIA ZOOM)

While I prepare my next "rally," whose location will be announced in a short time, I would like to elaborate on some of my policies which I feel I have not described in enough detail, as well as to discuss the platforms of other candidates.

The first issue will attract ire from the Eurogroup I am affiliated with; but we are not a party, we are a caucus. I am sure we can tolerate some disagreements; we are not, like some others, bound to some vapid joint platform. In cooperation with the Premier, I intend to divert some funds from the EDA to confederations of communal organizations, also organized on a sectoral basis, that will distribute funds to national-level communal organizations to aid development. Only the contributions of states that have opted into the communal organization program will fund these. The purpose of this is to encourage democracy and self-development, while preventing bureaucraticization - these, again, will be confederations of extremely democratic organizations, the structure of which will inherently prevent bureaucracies from forming around them. The EDA will remain in place, albeit with a lower level of funding, to provide funding for those who have opted out of the communal organizations, and for a small scattering of general projects for those with communal organizations.

This whole method of funding for the communal organizations will only be temporary. I will say it again - temporary. You will not have to worry about money, allegedly for development, being flushed down the toilet again and again. The intention is for them to become autonomous of the EU, entirely self-managed and self-funded - and this will be pursued more aggressively, by slowly removing funding for them, accounting for possible difficulties that some member-states may face. The EU, of course, if this all succeeds, will continue to facilitate coordination between them - but very little else.

Now, I will be asked, "is this not violating sovereignty? Is this not hypocrisy?" It is neither. The communal organizations are established only in member-states which have permitted their establishment; they are meant to promote self-organization and self-development, rather than dependence on aid and on the organization of the "center" - the exploiting nations which I have mentioned, the opposite of the "periphery." If successful, they will allow for the significant reduction of the EU budget by helping the poorest develop themselves, both institutions and economy, particularly alongside my ideas to radically reduced EU bureaucracy by I have indeed voiced opposition to legislation which would cause EU laws to only be adopted by those nations which desire them - but this is because this is too broad. For something that may be detrimental to the development of EU nations, but extremely helpful for others -and development, particularly self-development, is something very, very important to me -it may be necessary. Yes, I want the organizations to exist in as many countries as possible; but I do not want to establish them in countries which they would not succeed in.

The second issue regards the structure of the communal organizations. I will make it clear - no exact structure for them will be imposed, so long as they are decentralized and democratic in nature. They will be formed only according to a sparing set of regulations by member-states, according to local conditions and culture. To have it any way else is but another form of imperialism - cultural imperialism. I have stressed my commitment to self-development; in this, too, I desire as much as possible to be the work of the nation rather than of the EU, for anything else necessarily inspires dependence and continued imperialization.

The third regards my position on the foreign policy of the EU, particularly sanctions and the UNSR. I do not believe many of the EU-levied sanctions against the UNSR should continue; they violate sovereignty, and also may be hurting the Nicoleizian people. However, sanctions placed against military trade may be wiser. We have had little time to really gauge the UNSR; while it has not shown itself to be unstable, we cannot be entirely sure that this will not change. As of now, relaxing this policy could lead to rash actions by a variety of actors, including the UNSR. I intend to advocate for a policy of tentative reconciliation. As of now, many seem to think that we are almost at war; already we have candidates calling for "peace in Icholasen." This type of thinking must end. We must put aside our romanticism with conflict, and continue talks with the UNSR to allow for detente. Once the UNSR has lasted longer, and proven itself completely, through its actions, that it will remain stable and itself seeks detente and the normalization of relations, the danger of sudden rash actions will have passed, and it may be possible to begin, very slowly, relaxing some of the sanctions against officials and military trade. My intention, unlike many other candidates, is not to plunge the EU into a long-lasting cold war by proposing so-called "peace" that is obviously unacceptable to virtually all actors involved, including both the UNSR and the UDI, or by taking a hard-line stance, whether for the UDI or the UNSR, but to gradually integrate the UNSR, in a way that is at least partially acceptable to the UDI, and prevent an outbreak of hostilities.

The fourth regards the "fine" I have proposed, to be implemented with the help of the Premier Commissioner. I assure all Europeans that I do not intend to actually levy an additional fine; the Union does not need any more, it already has far more than it needs, it appears. I do not even fully support what I propose - if there were another policy coming anywhere near being close to a solution, I would take it in a heartbeat. But the intention is merely to "redistribute" part of the surplus - to redirect a portion of the rebate that would normally go to an exploiting nation to one that is exploited. Nor will the "fine" apply to all nations with a trade surplus; it is intended only for those with an abnormally high surplus gained through the exploitation of the "periphery" - nations which provide inexpensive labor and resources to them, which may be both rich and poor. Above all, I will ensure that the "fine" will not apply nations which have surpluses through means which do not involve exploitation, and particularly not on nations which are in reality suffering economically. Those who have committed no wrong should not be punished for the actions of others. I am, again, also extremely willing to reconsider this policy, which I see, again, as extremely far from ideal, if another method, less likely to punish the innocent, for discouraging neo-imperialist policies is found or suggested.

The fifth regards my stance on bureaucracy and how it connects to the rest of my platform. As I stated earlier, we have faceless elites, out of touch, ruling many of our institutions. They seek to impose certain ideas an values on all of Europe. I am quite obviously strongly for matters being dealt with by nations in cooperation, not by additional, extraneous bodies and actors, and have been strongly opposed to a one-size fits all approach to anything, because this is at the core of my ideas - to create a community of equal nations, rather than a system in which certain nations are subjugated by a center which seeks to impose.

So, then, what about the platforms of others? I will first discuss the EPA platform. I don't see any clear vision in it, or for that matter anything. In Biden's, you can see a clear Euroscepticism; in mine, a clear anti-imperialism and decentralization; but in theirs, what? It seems to merely be a disorganized hodgepodge, as I predicted, of various vague policies that are difficult to interpret. Let us first begin with the statement made by Chairman Donald Tusk, which he makes with his usual spite and anger, previously demonstrated when, for example, he stated that he would support an act well-known to all of us if others did, and oppose it if others did, when he went on a deranged and possibly misogynistic rant during the debate on the budget during which he held the Commission to a standard which has virtually never been met, or when he told, in an indirect way, Duxburians that they should "learn to use Google" as a result of issues over the usage of different calendars.

Regardless, let us move on. In this statement, he claims that the PEL, in power, did nothing. Let us examine the facts. Only two weeks into office, the Premier proposed the EDA, which then, perhaps due to personal matters, perhaps due to incompetence, perhaps due to malice, spent over two months in voting alone, despite virtually everyone present having submitted their votes quickly after the closing of debate. This came after Tusk proposed nonsense amendments to the act on pretexts that were equally nonsensical, which were thankfully defeated.

It was a short while after the ending of voting that the budget was proposed; obviously the Premier could not propose it before the passing of the EDA. It was at this juncture the Chairman began to rant against the Premier. Given that it was him who was responsible, for whatever reason, for holding up voting on the EDA, and thus virtually everything else the Commission could have done, for two months, this is somewhat rich. The Commission then opened talks with the UNSR, I believe, an important step. Yes, some of their promises were left unaccomplished by them - but members of the PEL proposed them, or legislation approaching them, separately. It is exceedingly clear that this is the exact opposite of "nothing," and far exceeds anything that the post-Stuart Commission has done, not to belittle the accomplishments of those commissions.

This is then followed by a series of vague proposals, which mean nothing. They propose the proposal of a "Digital Services Act to protect consumers, establish a powerful transparency and foster innovation, growth and competitiveness." What is the content of this act? How would such an act accomplish this? Have the ramifications of this act on countries of radically different cultures surrounding the goals of the act been considered? None of these questions are answered, even as outline. There is much worse: they want to propose "a new scheme for the European Green Deal, to integrate both common and state policy, giving more sovereignty to member-states and allowing the EU to play a role on the region’s fight against this matter." I have no idea whether the European Green Deal is legal, or whether it is binding, given that it appears to have been made by decree of Juncker, unless if they are referring to the Bergen Agreement, in which case I stand corrected. Regardless, what does any of this mean? How are you going to give "more sovereignty" to member-states, while allowing the EU to play a role? In concrete terms, what does it mean for the people of Europe? How does one "integrate common and state policy?" This is literally just a collection of words that sound good, that when put together convey no actual meaning. Reading this whole platform, I have gained virtually no knowledge of what the candidates of the EPA want for Europe. Again, when you look at Biden, when you look at Desai, you know what they want. When you look at me, you know what I want. When you look at Juncker and Muzhare, you have absolutely no idea what they want or what they are even going to do in office.

It can always be worse, and at a certain point, the manifesto begins to propose policy that is either illegal or would set an extremely bad precedent. In particular, they want to "[integrate] the proposed European Climate Fund on the Bergen Conference into the European Development Act." The Bergen Agreement is a treaty, not legislation. The legality of it is already somewhat questionable, but can be excused, by arguing that it creates a fund managed by the Union that is presumably independent of it - to create a fund that is part of the Union by treaty would in all likelihood not be legal. Any toying with this area, I feel, would be stepping on already unsteady ground; it would perhaps be better to separate the ECF from the Union entirely, by convening a meeting of ratifying nations and seeking to amend the original treaty.

Then there are some more proposals which mean nothing, and that really concludes their platform. A nothing-burger with a side of poison is all it is.

But then, let us look at Biden's platform. It is more concrete, with genuine proposals - but I do not see how they would help anything. Allowing legislation to become treaty-based is again nonsensical - there is absolutely no point to the Union in that case. He also speaks of constitutional reviews and reviews of the Acquis Communautaire to protect sovereignty, and perhaps there is some merit to this, but in the end, without a definition of sovereignty, as I seek to establish with my Sovereignty Charter, to be drafted by representatives of the member-states and to become a part of the Constitution, it will be for naught. We will end up with politicians scribbling over what could very well be useful legislation, claiming that it is against sovereignty because they disagree with it. Biden also does not address the issue of economic sovereignty, which is concerning, but again, not unexpected. Most worryingly of all, however, is his policy on the UNSR. He wants to see an end to tensions between the UNSR and the UDI, a noble goal, but also believes reunification is a possible goal. I don't even think we should be framing the issue of Icholasen on these lines; the UDI is a government-in-exile. But regardless, "reunification" is a proposal unpalatable to both sides - it implies either subjugation or compromise, and neither side seems willing to give up very much. I don't think very much would be resolved in the end; we should instead be focusing on smaller steps, towards such things as ending certain sanctions and normalizing the general environment, instead of even thinking of such things as these.

Also pertinent is the platform of Desai. I understand that he is a candidate for Premier, but he, as of now, is defining the general policy of ELSS, which Biden is affiliated with. Desai is one of those types who cares very much about sovereignty, but conveniently ignores economic sovereignty, and in many cases works to undermine it. He talks about creating an environment in the EU amenable to business; what does this mean? Imposition of neoliberal policies, perhaps being forced in exchange for a loan? He also talks about running the EU like a business; this would result in very poor results. The EU is a government; if it were a business, it would behave significantly more unethically, all for the purpose of breaking even or lowering the budget. Predatory loans being extended to member-states; the budget being cut far below what is necessary for needed agencies - the EHO, the EAA - resulting in possibly deadly results. That is what businesses do, cut budgets below what is necessary and expect workers to keep going. We might, under him, and any ELSS-affiliated commission, see the EU becoming an active participant in neo-imperialization and the expansion of inequality rather than merely ignoring it. I hope that I am wrong about him, and the ELSS and affiliates as a whole, but unfortunately we have not seen a good track record from politicians using the same rhetoric.

The choice is yours, Europeans - I implore you to think deeply, and choose well. Thank you for coming, thank you for listening; may you be healthy and in good spirits! Goodbye!

Rikkalek had time to think, now. The past month had been busier than usual, although perhaps that should have been expected. Although perhaps it had, in a way, been easier. Without the constant infighting, the constant interference, everything was much calmer, much smoother.

Of course, he was now just as powerful, if not more, than the emperors had been. That had given him pause, at first. Now, really, he was just exhausted, too exhausted for it to matter in any significant way. He had stopped dictating; his role was more or less as an administrator, trying merely to keep the country together and functioning Well, of course, that had been his dream, when he had been younger, after ditching traditionalist Catholicism, for the transformation of governing into the administration of things - although this was different in a way, in many ways.

But he had come here not to work, but to have fun. He hadn't been able to enjoy himself for a while; in the Diessenar sun, he'd thought that things might be different. They weren't, as of now, although the warmth and the mild sunshine were a pleasant change from Kirelesile, where the weather was perpetually frigid but the sun burning. The only thing bad about an otherwise wonderful city, really.

He put down his copy of The Society of the Spectacle, less something he was reading seriously than an attempt to remind himself of or maybe relive his twenties - he feared, a little, becoming old - placing it in a briefcase otherwise containing an envelope and a folder containing orders he had written and signed on the plane (every second needed to be used, nowadays), of a nature that was surely illegal by European law. A task that unnerved him, that made him feel sick and nauseous and disgusted with himself, the only task that made him, again, fear what he was becoming - but all the same one that was necessary. The people he condemned were irredeemable, terrorists and genocidal maniacs who were incompatible with his republican project.

He really needed to get his mind off work. Locking the briefcase, but making sure to take out the envelope he stretched his legs, his arms, glanced, a little longingly, at the drinks cabinet (per Liris, government officials ought to lead in example, and it wasn't as though he had liked the debauchery of previous cabinets, so a few things had to given up), before looking out to the canal, its shores, and the occasional billboards. All fairly unfamiliar to him; he'd never been this far south, never seen, for himself, the gently rolling plains, drenched in sun, of this part of the world. The billboards were to him bizarre; why was the brotherhood of two states represented by its leaders? In Istkalen it would be unacceptable and nonsensical, a sign of an inappropriate ego but also a complete disconnection from the reality of the state. It was ostentatious, decadent, something he couldn't help but feel both disgusted and completely confused by. Culture shock, probably.

It wasn't as though Artabanos was a bad leader. He was an example, in a way; excessive, certainly, but all the same effective. Stabilizing the unstable; well, that was something he could, would, learn from. Almost an obligation at this point, really.

He quickly snapped back to the yacht. He used to be a more social person; governing the least governable country in all Europe had destroyed that. All the same, lest he seem strange - a disaster not merely for him but for Istkalen, which he needed to normalize, after the chaos, after the insanity - he needed to make an effort.

He greeted, finally, Artabanos and Karaman - "congratulations on the opening of this Canal, what a magnificent effort!" - before quickly moving to Silas.

"Ms. Areai wrote a letter to you. I haven't opened the envelope they sent it in, so I don't know what exactly's in it."

He smiled, softly, and handed the envelope to Silas, before walking away.

Confirming, in part, what he had said, the envelope was addressed to Rikkalek's office. There was also a return address, but all that could be read of it was "Helvetines en" (the administration of); the remainder had been blacked out.

The letter was very short, although Rikkalek did not know this, and was as follows:

Dear Silas Kligenberg,
Well, this will never get to you. You've become more or less an imaginary figure, whom I write to in anger, at myself more than anything. But I've found it strange. I want to escape who I was, and I felt as though I did, here, even like this. But I occasionally remember the things you tweeted, and I remember again. I don't want to remember, I don't want to revisit that. But I think, now, that it's inescapable. So long as people remember, I won't be able to cleanse myself of what I did - whether it's celebrated, by people like you, or condemned, by the rest.

I often wish that you wouldn't exist. That I would have a chance at atonement. But you do, and so I must face the fact that I did things, terrible things, forever. I will not feel whole until I am forgiven for what I have done, and when people like you exist, I feel as though I will never receive that forgiveness, and so will live in suffering, like this. Perhaps I deserve it; I probably do. Perhaps this suffering is my atonement, given to me by some deity. Perhaps there is some hope in this. But for me I know that there is no God; my only relief, relief through good works and through forgiveness, is taken from me by this.
Your love is blind, twisted, but blind nonetheless. There's something a little heartwarming in that. For you, perhaps, it's liberatory in a way. But it chains me down, in so many ways, and I know that it will never end. For you, it's a blessing, but for me it's a curse.
I've only a few moments, nowadays, to myself, to think like this. Perhaps it's a good thing that I spend it like this, perhaps not.
With respect,
Josephine Areai.

If a person decides to behave like a toddler, it is necessary to treat them like a toddler.

Unfortunately, in the Council, we have seen too much of this behavior. We have seen name-calling, tantrums, and so much more, and traditional methods of discipline are either illegal or do not work. What this new introduction will do is both punish the offender while allowing them to reflect over what they have done.

From this point on, when a Councillor decides to call people names, be unnecessarily rude or offensive to other people, or in general decides to act like a child, they will be told to go to the Council time-out corner, which will be equipped with a bean-bag and chosen board books, as these are most appropriate for the level of maturity shown during these episodes of toddler-like behavior. I doubt that anyone will actually go there, but being told to go there, when it exists, will be punishment enough, I imagine.

Official Statement of the Presidency of the Republic of Istkalen

We are deeply concerned by the events ongoing in Reitzmag and the greater Caspian region. While we condemn, in the strongest terms, the piracy and terrorism perpetrated by the Svarnan regime, we view the ongoing intervention as a disproportionate escalation. The victims of Reitzmic imperialism ourselves, we fear that this war is but another of their ploys to gain influence over Europe, in an effort to rewrite standing diplomatic conventions and traditions in their favor.

We insist on the preservation of national sovereignty. We insist on the preservation of the European multinational, consensus-based diplomatic tradition. And we strongly oppose any effort to redraw already-made lines in favor of any one center of power.

We are therefore investigating possible measures to be taken against the Kingdom of Reitzmag, the United Duchies, and their allied powers, on a national and European basis. We have directed our representative in Europolis to begin work on a package of directed diplomatic sanctions against these states, and are currently working with the government to prepare a set of broader economic sanctions.

We must also note the threat that ongoing militarization poses to Istkalen. We are well-aware of the Kingdom of Reitzmag's intense interest in our natural resources, and strongly believe that, if put into a position to do so, they will invade. The current intervention in Svarna is therefore all the more concerning; it demonstrates the will and the ability of the Reitzmic state to carry out such an action. We have therefore agreed, with the consent of the Prime Minister, to certain protective measures, to be applied to ensure the protection of the state against foreign attack, which are as follows:

• the imposition of a state of defence in the territory of the Republic of Istkalen
• the temporary suspension of the autonomy of the Arian Territories
• the temporary suspension of the National Assembly, and the vesting of legislative powers in the Government
• the closure of the land border with Reitzmag
• the reformation of the State Procuration Department, under the Ministry of Planning and Economic Integration, to organize the requisitioning and transport of goods for military purposes
• the preparation for the evacuation of Kirelesile, in the case of invasion
• the movement of certain divisions of Republican Defence Force to the land border with Reitzmag, details of which will not be available at this time

These measures will be voted on by the National Assembly at 06:00 GMT+3, and will then immediately come into force if approved.

We ask all citizens to remain calm.

Y. Demirkol

K. Uklertal

Country of Origin: Istkalen
Name of the author: Ilisapit Iykrat, leader of the Communist Party of Istkalen and amateur poet
Age of the author: 54
Name of the art piece: Her Love, A Poem Cycle
The art piece:

I.

She looks
at the masses
toiling
below

She smiles.
She is very happy.
The nation is flowering.
All the workers are freed.
The liberation is finished.

Through her leadership
we are led into paradise.

Through her leadership
our fields are bountiful
our factories productive

II.

We are happy
We are content

Happy
Happy behind her
We know she loves us
We smile
She smiles
We are united

We must follow her
She is above all.
She is our mother
We must listen to her unconditionally

All is beautiful

III.

She sends us
We go

We go there
to the yellow land
land of the city

We work
We work forever
All the time, happy

We are free
We are happy
We are happy behind her
We listen to all she says
We work in the yellow land
without end
without tiredness
for her

IV.

Her loving caress
is our reward
for our work in the yellow land

It is all we
pursue
in our work there

It is all we
must pursue
there

We work there
We can because we are
strong and stalwart
men and women

V.

We remember how we went to the factories
of the yellow land
She stood before us
Smiling
Another, shining like plastic
Across her
They embraced
She screamed
2000 Kč
The plastic woman
gave her
the money
We went with her
willingly
Happily, smiling

She beats us,
but we love it
For it is from our mother,
through the plastic woman
Her rebuke is
her love, we know
Every day
we await our beatings
because of this

VI.

We return. She loves us,
and she has brought us back
to her loving arms

We work hard in our Czech lands,
hour upon hour,
for her

It is our duty
We help her
We follow her
We obey her,
for she loves us
truly
truly
and would not do
anything wrong
to us

VII

Everything that she
does is for us
when she gives our labor to the yellow land
to the plastic woman
it is for us

when she gives us ourselves to the yellow land
to the plastic woman
it is for us

when she gives our lives, our culture to the yellow land
to the plastic woman
it is for us

when she gives our lands to the yellow land
to the plastic woman
it is for us

VIII

She is
mother

She is the only mother
We devote to her
Devote

She cleaned us
when we were
in the womb

Through her
we were born
into this world

Through her
we exist

Through her
we are happy

We are content

She loves us
unconditionally

We love her
unconditionally.

May we begin voting?

Akem Linek
Premier Commissioner

Republic: Orlich announces restoration of National Duty, Public Distribution Service

Prime Minister Orlich has announced that her government, in order to respond to the "social and economic crisis" she says has developed in Istkalen, will be restoring National Duty, as well as the Public Distribution Service (PDS).

"Poverty and degradation," she said at a press conference held yesterday, "now rule in this country. The old mutualities have collapsed; the majority can no longer meet their basic needs. Assistance has dried up completely, and what little there is comes, now, in the form of cash - useless in so much of Istkalen. For us, this is an absolutely unacceptable state of affairs. We must abandon our present course; we must return to the systems that once served us so well, that ensured every child, every working citizen, every retiree a decent and basic standard of living."

National Duty, a form of corvee, and the PDS, a bureaucracy meant to redistribute the products of National Duty among the Istkalenic people as compensation, were previously abolished by the administration of Vistek Rikkalek and gradually replaced with income tax and a series of "living allowances." This decision was meant to bring Istkalen in line with international law and standards; however, the country has since seen profound economic and social instability, as a direct result of these changes, which replaced the direct provision of goods and services with cash transfers and thus left many of the most vulnerable unable to access the essentials that had once simply been given them by the state. Many experts have, then, long been calling for a restoration - and now, at last, the government seems to be acting.

Implementation will be slow by Istkalenic standards. Unlike previous welfare reforms, says Orlich, which made quick and immediate changes to systems of distribution and redistribution, the one she is embarking on will be "methodical and measured."

"We will not rush," she said, "the process. We will not run heedlessly ahead and break everything, as so many other past administrations have. We will work, instead, with the mutualities and workers' associations to see what is possible; we will discuss, negotiate, and come to a good, smart, methodical, and measured solution."

Nevertheless, she stressed the necessity of ensuring the fastest possible relief for the poorest communities in Istkalen.

"But we are, yes, in a crisis - and a crisis demands immediate action. We are not ignoring this when we speak of methodicality. We have already prepared a number of stopgap measures that establish a system of basic public distribution, through the Ministry of Public Distribution and with the assistance of the military and national police, for rural and degraded urban areas to ensure that the worst-off are relieved in these hardest of times. But we insist - a more permanent solution cannot be created, announced, and implemented in a day."

The decision has received harsh criticism from large swathes of the Istkalenic political spectrum.

"We are returning to the past," said Inge Meier, leader of the Social Democratic Party. "We are abandoning modernity in favor of an outdated, inhumane, and authoritarian model of forced labor. Is our aim not modernization? Is our highest aspiration not, as the Prime Minister herself has repeatedly insisted, equality with the rest of Europe? If they are as such, then why are we taking ourselves off the path to both with such a bizarre and disgusting measure?"

"That the abolition of National Duty and the PDS," said Kaisa Malk, co-leader of the National Republican Party, "was a tragedy is something no one denies. We are therefore in support of this measure. We are, however, not in support of its timing, nor its implementors. The Prime Minister ought to remember that hers is a transitional government - that she is not in her position to make ideological decisions, but simply to re-establish order and ensure a smooth return to normalcy and democracy."

"Ursula," said Andrus Liiv, the leading presenter for the Northern Radio and the leader of the far-right National Resurrection Movement, "reveals herself to be a Reitzmo-Vardic agent. Her proposal is an attempt to appeal to and pervert our traditional sentiments and beliefs to enslave us to the hordes in the North and the snakes of the South. Don't be fooled - the continuing J-TAI is making but another attempt to place us under its yoke!"

"Istkalen," said Colonel Kuldar Loime, the leader of the banned "National Union," "is not in need of slow and 'methodical' measures. We are a country on our deathbed; what we need is a shock to bring us back to life, not this diluted solution dripped at snail's pace into our mouths. Now, more than ever, we need immediate and decisive action - and this is absolutely not that. The National Union stands not for tepid prodding but for the immediate restoration of National Duty and the PDS."

Nevertheless, Orlich's decision enjoys broad popularity among the Istkalenic people, and is unlikely to be rejected when it comes to a vote in the National Assembly.

Nation: Polling 12/11 - 13/11
conducted by Isdenek, 699 respondents

Party Preference
note that the banned National Union and National Resurrection Movement are no longer polled

Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 34,7% (-0,4)
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,1% (-0,2)
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 13,9% (+2,1)
Statebuilding Party (center-left): 12,1% (new)
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 10,1% (-)
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 9,0% (+0,1)
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 4,2% (+4,0)

with inclusion of major banned parties

Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 30,0%
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,0%
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 13,7%
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 8,7%
National Union (syncretic, banned): 8,1%
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 7,9%
Statebuilding Party (center-left): 6,1% (new)
National Resurrection Movement (far-right, banned): 5,3%
Christian Democrats (far-right, banned): 4,0%
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 1,2%

Scenario Polling

reintegration of the Farmer-Green Alliance into the Agrarian Union*

Communist Party: 28,7%
Agrarian Union: 25,1%
National Republican Party: 14,1%
Social Democratic Party: 13,8%
Union/Progress: 9,1%
Statebuilding Party: 9,0%

reintegration of Statebuilding into the Social Democrats

Communist Party: 34,1%
National Republican Party: 19,5%
Farmer-Green Alliance; 15,3%
Social Democratic Party: 15,1%
Union/Progress: 9,2%
Agrarian Union: 6,3%

Ayros Tiraki founds a party

Party of Ayros Tiraki: 74,1%
Social Democratic Party: 13,3%
Communist Party: 11,4%
Farmer-Green Alliance: 0,3%
Agrarian Union: 0,2%
Statebuilding Party: 0,2%
Union/Progress: 0,1%
National Republican Party: 0,1%

Government Approval

• approve: 72,3%
• disapprove: 10,2%
• no opinion: 17,5%

Preferred Prime Minister

Kaisa Malk (National Republican Party, right-wing): 25,1%
Antras Arkalis (Communist Party, left-wing): 20,1%
Elizabeth Íkrat (Communist Party, left-wing): 18,2%
Ursula Orlich (incumbent, non-partisan, center-right): 15,1%
Liris Vesek (Farmer-Green Alliance, center-right): 10,8%
other: 10,7%

Republic

Oskon dismissed by Censorate; replaced by Orlich

Citing the general dysfunctionality of her cabinet, as well as her recent decision to dismiss en masse a number of popular ministers, the Censorate of Istkalen has dismissed Elspeth Oskon as Prime Minister of Istkalen, replacing her with Ursula Orlich, who served as the country's provisional head of state for two months earlier this year.

"The chaos in government," read a statement the Censorate released on the issue, "is unacceptable. The decisions of the cabinet are not being implemented, ministers make decisions and issue orders without any degree of coordination between each other, and all the Prime Minister does is flail about and whine, before removing the competent from their positions. Her ineptitude is extraordinary; it has led and will continue to lead this country into a quagmire even deeper than the one it has just extricated itself from. This cannot continue. We are therefore dismissing Ms. Orlich from her position, and replacing her, with immediate effect, with Ms. Ursula Orlich, who we hope and trust will be up to the task of pacifying and stabilizing our beloved country."

Despite having both called the Istkalenic people "ungovernable" and handed control over the country to the NSC, Orlich has come to be widely respected as a strong and cool-headed stateswoman; though deeply unpopular during her short term as "State Protector" for her repressive actions against the opposition, many have re-evaluated her in light of the disorder that has prevailed in the time since her resignation, hailing her as one of the few sane and competent members of the political class, and even as the country's last hope. Her appointment has been met with acceptance and with the hope that she will at last bring a semblance of normalcy to Istkalenic governance.

Orlich is expected to, as first action, reinstate many, if not all, the ministers dismissed by Oskon. She has not, however, yet clearly outlined her intentions, and is not expected to until she is formally sworn in.

Uklertal and Laakonen announce exit from Social Democrats

Kondres Uklertal and Lauri Laakonen, as well as 66 of their supporters in the National Assembly, have announced their departure from the Social Democratic Party in favor of an organization of their own, tentatively named the Statebuilding Party, citing anti-democratic measures taken by Inge Meier, the SDP chairwoman.

"We agree, broadly," the two wrote in a statement published two days ago, "with the message of social democracy in Istkalen. We believe, just as strongly as Ms. Meier claims to, in the defense of liberal democracy, in the defense of civil and political rights, in the defense of social justice. Our departure is not motivated, then, by her decision to reorient the party away from its authoritarian past, as she may claim - not at all."

"We have made the decision," they continued, "to leave the Social Democratic Party simply because we believe that Ms. Meier has made it impossible to promote the social democratic ideology within its bounds. She has stifled interparty debate and democracy; she proclaims that it is her way or the highway, that she is to lead and we to obey. This is completely inappropriate, and is the beginning of a corruption that we feel - strongly - will lead to the discrediting of our movement and the end of any hope for liberalization and democratization in our country."

Their move is widely seen as the climax of a long interparty struggle for control between the environmentalist and nationalist factions of which they are leaders and the socialist faction of Meier. Though the party has, since its decision to abandon its prewar ideology, been united by a belief in liberal democracy and social progressivism, it has seen increasing division and discord over economic and cultural policies in particular, especially since the ascendance of the often combative Meier to her position.

The Statebuilding Party, though it has not yet elaborated upon its positions beyond its "transversality," is expected to take a position slightly to the right, in accordance with Uklertal and Laakonen's views, of the Social Democrats, adopting the anti-business-incorporation and laicitic stances associated with the nationalist right while maintaining a left-wing commitment to social progressivism and green policy.

Meier, nor any other high-ranking functionaries of the Social Democratic Party, has not yet reacted.

Íkrat suggests a government led by Arkalis

Amid an impasse in government negotiations over the issue of relations with the Democratic Republic of Czech Slavia, Elizabeth Íkrat, the current formateur, has suggested that Antras Arkalis, the Communist Party's rapporteur for finance and economics, become Prime Minister in her own place in order to mollify concerns over a rupture in relations.

"I cannot say that I am in favor of relations with Czech Slavia," said Íkrat, "especially considering the recent rumors of cult infiltration in their government, but I understand that many of those in our establishment and in government negotiations view them as vitally important and irreplaceable. I am not one to put my own personal beliefs and ideology over the health of the country, and so I will, in this case, concede. I am open to someone else from our party becoming Prime Minister - perhaps Mr. Arkalis, who I understand is well-liked and know has a long history in government."

The leaders of the National Republican Party, Grete Reiner and Kaisa Malk, and of the Farmer/Green Alliance, Írenet Isteresskemar and Liris Vesek, have responded to this proposal positively; nevertheless, all have continued to insist that they must have strong assurances that the new government will not change relations with Czech Slavia except to strengthen them.

"Mr. Arkalis," said Reiner, "is, to me, to all of us in negotiations, infinitely preferable to Ms. Íkrat, especially in regards to the Czech Slavia question. Nevertheless, Ms. Íkrat's opposition to the Czechs is so strong that I worry that it may still affect government policy. That she is not Prime Minister is to me, to many of us, not enough, even if it is a significant and good step forwards - we must have an assurance that there will be no change to our policy in regards to Czech Slavia, no antagonization made, that our government, as have all past governments, will be committed to furthering and deepening our relations with them."

Recommendation of the Censorate on Political Reform

The Censorate of Istkalen, in the interests of promoting good governance and stability, has formulated and released a proposal for political reform in Istkalen, focused on preventing rapid changes in government, establishing better checks on government power, and reducing political influence over the bureaucracy. The major points made in the proposal are summarized below:

IN REGARDS TO POLITICAL PARTIES

We view the existence of political parties as an unambiguous negative. They serve, in our eyes, only to divide the nation, distort legitimate political discussion, and promote corruption. While we favor a democratic form of state, we do not believe that it ought to be on the Western-parliamentary style.

We propose that those holding political office be prohibited from holding party-based affiliations, and that parties be banned from endorsing candidates in elections. In order to ensure the equitable representation of coherent interests in Istkalen, we call for a return to the old "corporatist" form of representation in the legislature, where, in place of direct elections as exist in most of Europe, deputies are appointed by state bodies representing the vocations, the regions, and the nationalities.

IN REGARDS TO THE CABINET

We are against a politically based cabinet; ministers should be non-partisan and appointed on a purely technocratic basis, based on merit and neutrality above ideology. The role of the government should be to administer, not to legislate - the latter is an usurpation and an abuse that contributes and has contributed to national disintegration.

IN REGARDS TO THE POWER OF THE HEAD OF STATE

We are in favor of a strong and decisive role for the head of state. We believe that the position must have at its command the power to veto and to freely issue decrees, within a scope defined by some form of constitutional document, in order to ensure a rapid response to crises. Nevertheless, we hold that there must be strict limitations on the ability of decrees in particular to affect political, economic, and social institutions in order to prevent the type of rapid change and vacillation that has been seen in the country up to this point.

IN REGARDS TO CHECKS AND BALANCES

We are for a stronger role for the Council of Examination in approving candidates for political office - we believe that it ought to be given an absolute veto over proposed candidacies to any position at a national level. We also believe in the strengthening of the advisorial role of the High Council of Justice, to the point that it is permitted to freely veto and annul legislation and decrees on the basis of it being unconstitutional.

We are also for the strengthening of our own position so that we become effectively an upper house of parliament, with the full ability to amend and veto legislation on any basis.

We are against any changes to the system of appointments - they should and must remain self-regulated and made.

Ursula Orlich
President of the Censorate

Statement of the President of the National Assembly

On the advice of the Prime Minister, I am dismissing the following ministers from their offices:

• Altay Sancar, as Minister of Justice
• Indras Uskeled, as Minister of Finance
• Myriam Leclerc, as Minister of Development
• Katharina Beck, as Minsiter of Agriculture
• Lauri Laakonen, as Climate Minister
• Kondres Uklertal, as Environment Minister
• Kuldar Loime, as Housing Minister
• Grete Reiner, as Culture Minister

Ilmaras Kalessed
President of the National Assembly

Statement of the Prime Minister and Minister of the Interior

In order to protect republican institutions, in order to safeguard democracy, it is sometimes necessary to suppress. Though the rights to free expression and free association are and ought to remain sacrosanct, a line must be drawn when those rights begin to threaten the ability of others to enjoy them - and action taken when that line is violated.

We are, unfortunately, faced with one of the most extraordinary violations of this line in Istkalen's modern history - and thus duty-bound to break from our commitment to democracy and suppress the violators for the sake of that same democracy.

In Istkalen, there are presently operating two parties - the National Resurrection Movement and the National Union - that have as their central aim the propagation of hatred and the end of the Republic. They constantly provoke tension and rebellion in an effort to destabilize our already unstable society - all to discredit our nascent democracy and to legitimize their autocratic, if not totalitarian, ideals among the Istkalenic people.

This is unacceptable and dangerous. We are in the midst of one of the most crucial periods in our history, a period in which we may choose either between democracy or chaos - and these provocateurs, these foreign agents, seek to derail and overturn the clear choice the Istkalenic people made to pursue the former.

The Government has therefore made the decision to ban these two parties. They are to be dissolved, with immediate effect, and their leaders to be taken into custody; their organizers are ordered to stop their work and dissassociate themselves with each other and their poisonous ideology, at risk of arrest.

This decision will be enforced with haste and with fervor; no exceptions will be made, and no mercy shown. The cause of the Republic comes before all.

Elspeth Oskon
Prime Minister

Liris Vesek
Minister of the Interior

Nation: Polling 4/11 - 5/11
conducted by Isdenek, 781 respondents

Party Preference

Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 35,1%
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,3%
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 11,8%
National Unity (center-right): 10,3%
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 10,1%
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 8,9%
National Resurrection Movement (right-wing): 8,3%
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 0,2%
Liberation (center): 0%

Government Approval

• approve: 53,9%
• disapprove: 38,7%
• no opinion: 7,4%

Republic: Greens/Democratic Movement to be officially known as the Farmer-Green Alliance

Irenet Isteresskemar has announced that her political alliance, formed of the Greens, her own political party, and the Democratic Movement, a group of ex-Liberation deputies in the National Assembly, will be named the Farmer-Green Alliance.

"Our movement does not," she said at a press conference earlier today, "have a name for itself. Our deputies in parliament refer to themselves simply by the name of the party or group of which they are members, as Greens or as partisans of the Democratic Movement; the media, on the other hand, calls us the ‘Greens/Democratic Movement.’ I feel - our leadership feels - and I am sure you all feel as well - that this is ridiculous. We are, firstly, one movement - two parties, yes, but one movement - and ought to present ourselves as such. And secondly, well, ‘Greens/Democratic Movement’ is an ugly name; it’s inelegant, unmemorable, both bad things for any political movement.”

“Our leadership, then,” she continued, “has decided to put an end to this miserable state of affairs. The central boards of both the Greens and the Democratic Movement have resolved to name our joint alliance the ‘Farmer-Green Alliance.’ It is a good name, a strong name, one that’s clear and snappy. It makes what we are and what we stand for clear—that we are the environmentalists and farmers of this country allied to defend our interests when they—and so often—intersect. The decision, I have to tell you, has already gone into effect; nevertheless, I promise you all that it will go for a vote, that you all, our members, those without whom our movement would not exist, will have the final say over whether the name is ultimately adopted. It is you who know best, after all, far better than we do - and you, I am sure, who will make the correct decision.”

The move has been widely interpreted as an attempt to place the alliance as a definitive successor to the Agrarian Union, which, while maintaining a significant parliamentary presence has collapsed in opinion polling—it gives the alliance the same identity, as an agrarian-environmentalist political grouping, while preparing its two member parties, the Greens and the Democratic Movement, to take the places of the two of the Agrarian Union, the Ecologists and the New Agrarians.

It is also seen as a confirmation of Isteresskemar’s intention to separate completely from the Agrarian Union. It has long been rumored that her relations with the rest of the party leadership were less than cordial, with her ardently nationalist and quasi-libertarian viewpoints clashing strongly with the progressive and often socialist inclinations of the Union establishment. Nevertheless, many believed that her decision to leave it and establish a new alliance with liberal politicians in the National Assembly was but a gambit meant to force her enemies within the Union to accommodate her. This “rebranding,” however, suggests that there was and is something more serious at play - of a deeper rift and of a genuine desire to establish an independent political movement.

Most expect the name change to be confirmed by the membership of both parties; few complaints, if any, have been made about it, and, in any case, they have become so centered around the figure of Isteresskemar that it is difficult to imagine them rejecting her directions and decisions, even if they are quietly opposed to them.

Reactions from the rest of the political spectrum have been sparing, if existent at all.