May we begin voting?
May we begin voting?
Republic: Orlich announces restoration of National Duty, Public Distribution Service
Prime Minister Orlich has announced that her government, in order to respond to the "social and economic crisis" she says has developed in Istkalen, will be restoring National Duty, as well as the Public Distribution Service (PDS).
"Poverty and degradation," she said at a press conference held yesterday, "now rule in this country. The old mutualities have collapsed; the majority can no longer meet their basic needs. Assistance has dried up completely, and what little there is comes, now, in the form of cash - useless in so much of Istkalen. For us, this is an absolutely unacceptable state of affairs. We must abandon our present course; we must return to the systems that once served us so well, that ensured every child, every working citizen, every retiree a decent and basic standard of living."
National Duty, a form of corvee, and the PDS, a bureaucracy meant to redistribute the products of National Duty among the Istkalenic people as compensation, were previously abolished by the administration of Vistek Rikkalek and gradually replaced with income tax and a series of "living allowances." This decision was meant to bring Istkalen in line with international law and standards; however, the country has since seen profound economic and social instability, as a direct result of these changes, which replaced the direct provision of goods and services with cash transfers and thus left many of the most vulnerable unable to access the essentials that had once simply been given them by the state. Many experts have, then, long been calling for a restoration - and now, at last, the government seems to be acting.
Implementation will be slow by Istkalenic standards. Unlike previous welfare reforms, says Orlich, which made quick and immediate changes to systems of distribution and redistribution, the one she is embarking on will be "methodical and measured."
"We will not rush," she said, "the process. We will not run heedlessly ahead and break everything, as so many other past administrations have. We will work, instead, with the mutualities and workers' associations to see what is possible; we will discuss, negotiate, and come to a good, smart, methodical, and measured solution."
Nevertheless, she stressed the necessity of ensuring the fastest possible relief for the poorest communities in Istkalen.
"But we are, yes, in a crisis - and a crisis demands immediate action. We are not ignoring this when we speak of methodicality. We have already prepared a number of stopgap measures that establish a system of basic public distribution, through the Ministry of Public Distribution and with the assistance of the military and national police, for rural and degraded urban areas to ensure that the worst-off are relieved in these hardest of times. But we insist - a more permanent solution cannot be created, announced, and implemented in a day."
The decision has received harsh criticism from large swathes of the Istkalenic political spectrum.
"We are returning to the past," said Inge Meier, leader of the Social Democratic Party. "We are abandoning modernity in favor of an outdated, inhumane, and authoritarian model of forced labor. Is our aim not modernization? Is our highest aspiration not, as the Prime Minister herself has repeatedly insisted, equality with the rest of Europe? If they are as such, then why are we taking ourselves off the path to both with such a bizarre and disgusting measure?"
"That the abolition of National Duty and the PDS," said Kaisa Malk, co-leader of the National Republican Party, "was a tragedy is something no one denies. We are therefore in support of this measure. We are, however, not in support of its timing, nor its implementors. The Prime Minister ought to remember that hers is a transitional government - that she is not in her position to make ideological decisions, but simply to re-establish order and ensure a smooth return to normalcy and democracy."
"Ursula," said Andrus Liiv, the leading presenter for the Northern Radio and the leader of the far-right National Resurrection Movement, "reveals herself to be a Reitzmo-Vardic agent. Her proposal is an attempt to appeal to and pervert our traditional sentiments and beliefs to enslave us to the hordes in the North and the snakes of the South. Don't be fooled - the continuing J-TAI is making but another attempt to place us under its yoke!"
"Istkalen," said Colonel Kuldar Loime, the leader of the banned "National Union," "is not in need of slow and 'methodical' measures. We are a country on our deathbed; what we need is a shock to bring us back to life, not this diluted solution dripped at snail's pace into our mouths. Now, more than ever, we need immediate and decisive action - and this is absolutely not that. The National Union stands not for tepid prodding but for the immediate restoration of National Duty and the PDS."
Nevertheless, Orlich's decision enjoys broad popularity among the Istkalenic people, and is unlikely to be rejected when it comes to a vote in the National Assembly.
Nation: Polling 12/11 - 13/11
conducted by Isdenek, 699 respondents
note that the banned National Union and National Resurrection Movement are no longer polled
Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 34,7% (-0,4)
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,1% (-0,2)
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 13,9% (+2,1)
Statebuilding Party (center-left): 12,1% (new)
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 10,1% (-)
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 9,0% (+0,1)
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 4,2% (+4,0)
with inclusion of major banned parties
Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 30,0%
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,0%
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 13,7%
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 8,7%
National Union (syncretic, banned): 8,1%
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 7,9%
Statebuilding Party (center-left): 6,1% (new)
National Resurrection Movement (far-right, banned): 5,3%
Christian Democrats (far-right, banned): 4,0%
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 1,2%
reintegration of the Farmer-Green Alliance into the Agrarian Union*
Communist Party: 28,7%
Agrarian Union: 25,1%
National Republican Party: 14,1%
Social Democratic Party: 13,8%
Statebuilding Party: 9,0%
reintegration of Statebuilding into the Social Democrats
Communist Party: 34,1%
National Republican Party: 19,5%
Farmer-Green Alliance; 15,3%
Social Democratic Party: 15,1%
Agrarian Union: 6,3%
Ayros Tiraki founds a party
Party of Ayros Tiraki: 74,1%
Social Democratic Party: 13,3%
Communist Party: 11,4%
Farmer-Green Alliance: 0,3%
Agrarian Union: 0,2%
Statebuilding Party: 0,2%
National Republican Party: 0,1%
Preferred Prime Minister
Kaisa Malk (National Republican Party, right-wing): 25,1%
Antras Arkalis (Communist Party, left-wing): 20,1%
Elizabeth Íkrat (Communist Party, left-wing): 18,2%
Ursula Orlich (incumbent, non-partisan, center-right): 15,1%
Liris Vesek (Farmer-Green Alliance, center-right): 10,8%
Oskon dismissed by Censorate; replaced by Orlich
Citing the general dysfunctionality of her cabinet, as well as her recent decision to dismiss en masse a number of popular ministers, the Censorate of Istkalen has dismissed Elspeth Oskon as Prime Minister of Istkalen, replacing her with Ursula Orlich, who served as the country's provisional head of state for two months earlier this year.
"The chaos in government," read a statement the Censorate released on the issue, "is unacceptable. The decisions of the cabinet are not being implemented, ministers make decisions and issue orders without any degree of coordination between each other, and all the Prime Minister does is flail about and whine, before removing the competent from their positions. Her ineptitude is extraordinary; it has led and will continue to lead this country into a quagmire even deeper than the one it has just extricated itself from. This cannot continue. We are therefore dismissing Ms. Orlich from her position, and replacing her, with immediate effect, with Ms. Ursula Orlich, who we hope and trust will be up to the task of pacifying and stabilizing our beloved country."
Despite having both called the Istkalenic people "ungovernable" and handed control over the country to the NSC, Orlich has come to be widely respected as a strong and cool-headed stateswoman; though deeply unpopular during her short term as "State Protector" for her repressive actions against the opposition, many have re-evaluated her in light of the disorder that has prevailed in the time since her resignation, hailing her as one of the few sane and competent members of the political class, and even as the country's last hope. Her appointment has been met with acceptance and with the hope that she will at last bring a semblance of normalcy to Istkalenic governance.
Orlich is expected to, as first action, reinstate many, if not all, the ministers dismissed by Oskon. She has not, however, yet clearly outlined her intentions, and is not expected to until she is formally sworn in.
Uklertal and Laakonen announce exit from Social Democrats
Kondres Uklertal and Lauri Laakonen, as well as 66 of their supporters in the National Assembly, have announced their departure from the Social Democratic Party in favor of an organization of their own, tentatively named the Statebuilding Party, citing anti-democratic measures taken by Inge Meier, the SDP chairwoman.
"We agree, broadly," the two wrote in a statement published two days ago, "with the message of social democracy in Istkalen. We believe, just as strongly as Ms. Meier claims to, in the defense of liberal democracy, in the defense of civil and political rights, in the defense of social justice. Our departure is not motivated, then, by her decision to reorient the party away from its authoritarian past, as she may claim - not at all."
"We have made the decision," they continued, "to leave the Social Democratic Party simply because we believe that Ms. Meier has made it impossible to promote the social democratic ideology within its bounds. She has stifled interparty debate and democracy; she proclaims that it is her way or the highway, that she is to lead and we to obey. This is completely inappropriate, and is the beginning of a corruption that we feel - strongly - will lead to the discrediting of our movement and the end of any hope for liberalization and democratization in our country."
Their move is widely seen as the climax of a long interparty struggle for control between the environmentalist and nationalist factions of which they are leaders and the socialist faction of Meier. Though the party has, since its decision to abandon its prewar ideology, been united by a belief in liberal democracy and social progressivism, it has seen increasing division and discord over economic and cultural policies in particular, especially since the ascendance of the often combative Meier to her position.
The Statebuilding Party, though it has not yet elaborated upon its positions beyond its "transversality," is expected to take a position slightly to the right, in accordance with Uklertal and Laakonen's views, of the Social Democrats, adopting the anti-business-incorporation and laicitic stances associated with the nationalist right while maintaining a left-wing commitment to social progressivism and green policy.
Meier, nor any other high-ranking functionaries of the Social Democratic Party, has not yet reacted.
Íkrat suggests a government led by Arkalis
Amid an impasse in government negotiations over the issue of relations with the Democratic Republic of Czech Slavia, Elizabeth Íkrat, the current formateur, has suggested that Antras Arkalis, the Communist Party's rapporteur for finance and economics, become Prime Minister in her own place in order to mollify concerns over a rupture in relations.
"I cannot say that I am in favor of relations with Czech Slavia," said Íkrat, "especially considering the recent rumors of cult infiltration in their government, but I understand that many of those in our establishment and in government negotiations view them as vitally important and irreplaceable. I am not one to put my own personal beliefs and ideology over the health of the country, and so I will, in this case, concede. I am open to someone else from our party becoming Prime Minister - perhaps Mr. Arkalis, who I understand is well-liked and know has a long history in government."
The leaders of the National Republican Party, Grete Reiner and Kaisa Malk, and of the Farmer/Green Alliance, Írenet Isteresskemar and Liris Vesek, have responded to this proposal positively; nevertheless, all have continued to insist that they must have strong assurances that the new government will not change relations with Czech Slavia except to strengthen them.
"Mr. Arkalis," said Reiner, "is, to me, to all of us in negotiations, infinitely preferable to Ms. Íkrat, especially in regards to the Czech Slavia question. Nevertheless, Ms. Íkrat's opposition to the Czechs is so strong that I worry that it may still affect government policy. That she is not Prime Minister is to me, to many of us, not enough, even if it is a significant and good step forwards - we must have an assurance that there will be no change to our policy in regards to Czech Slavia, no antagonization made, that our government, as have all past governments, will be committed to furthering and deepening our relations with them."
The Censorate of Istkalen, in the interests of promoting good governance and stability, has formulated and released a proposal for political reform in Istkalen, focused on preventing rapid changes in government, establishing better checks on government power, and reducing political influence over the bureaucracy. The major points made in the proposal are summarized below:
IN REGARDS TO POLITICAL PARTIES
We view the existence of political parties as an unambiguous negative. They serve, in our eyes, only to divide the nation, distort legitimate political discussion, and promote corruption. While we favor a democratic form of state, we do not believe that it ought to be on the Western-parliamentary style.
We propose that those holding political office be prohibited from holding party-based affiliations, and that parties be banned from endorsing candidates in elections. In order to ensure the equitable representation of coherent interests in Istkalen, we call for a return to the old "corporatist" form of representation in the legislature, where, in place of direct elections as exist in most of Europe, deputies are appointed by state bodies representing the vocations, the regions, and the nationalities.
IN REGARDS TO THE CABINET
We are against a politically based cabinet; ministers should be non-partisan and appointed on a purely technocratic basis, based on merit and neutrality above ideology. The role of the government should be to administer, not to legislate - the latter is an usurpation and an abuse that contributes and has contributed to national disintegration.
IN REGARDS TO THE POWER OF THE HEAD OF STATE
We are in favor of a strong and decisive role for the head of state. We believe that the position must have at its command the power to veto and to freely issue decrees, within a scope defined by some form of constitutional document, in order to ensure a rapid response to crises. Nevertheless, we hold that there must be strict limitations on the ability of decrees in particular to affect political, economic, and social institutions in order to prevent the type of rapid change and vacillation that has been seen in the country up to this point.
IN REGARDS TO CHECKS AND BALANCES
We are for a stronger role for the Council of Examination in approving candidates for political office - we believe that it ought to be given an absolute veto over proposed candidacies to any position at a national level. We also believe in the strengthening of the advisorial role of the High Council of Justice, to the point that it is permitted to freely veto and annul legislation and decrees on the basis of it being unconstitutional.
We are also for the strengthening of our own position so that we become effectively an upper house of parliament, with the full ability to amend and veto legislation on any basis.
We are against any changes to the system of appointments - they should and must remain self-regulated and made.
President of the Censorate
On the advice of the Prime Minister, I am dismissing the following ministers from their offices:
President of the National Assembly
In order to protect republican institutions, in order to safeguard democracy, it is sometimes necessary to suppress. Though the rights to free expression and free association are and ought to remain sacrosanct, a line must be drawn when those rights begin to threaten the ability of others to enjoy them - and action taken when that line is violated.
We are, unfortunately, faced with one of the most extraordinary violations of this line in Istkalen's modern history - and thus duty-bound to break from our commitment to democracy and suppress the violators for the sake of that same democracy.
In Istkalen, there are presently operating two parties - the National Resurrection Movement and the National Union - that have as their central aim the propagation of hatred and the end of the Republic. They constantly provoke tension and rebellion in an effort to destabilize our already unstable society - all to discredit our nascent democracy and to legitimize their autocratic, if not totalitarian, ideals among the Istkalenic people.
This is unacceptable and dangerous. We are in the midst of one of the most crucial periods in our history, a period in which we may choose either between democracy or chaos - and these provocateurs, these foreign agents, seek to derail and overturn the clear choice the Istkalenic people made to pursue the former.
The Government has therefore made the decision to ban these two parties. They are to be dissolved, with immediate effect, and their leaders to be taken into custody; their organizers are ordered to stop their work and dissassociate themselves with each other and their poisonous ideology, at risk of arrest.
This decision will be enforced with haste and with fervor; no exceptions will be made, and no mercy shown. The cause of the Republic comes before all.
Minister of the Interior
Nation: Polling 4/11 - 5/11
conducted by Isdenek, 781 respondents
Communist Party (far-left, in gov't formation): 35,1%
National Republican Party (center-right, in gov't formation): 15,3%
Social Democratic Party (left-wing): 11,8%
National Unity (center-right): 10,3%
Farmer-Green Alliance (center-right, in gov't formation): 10,1%
Union/Progress (center-right, in gov't formation): 8,9%
National Resurrection Movement (right-wing): 8,3%
Agrarian Union (left-wing): 0,2%
Liberation (center): 0%
Republic: Greens/Democratic Movement to be officially known as the Farmer-Green Alliance
Irenet Isteresskemar has announced that her political alliance, formed of the Greens, her own political party, and the Democratic Movement, a group of ex-Liberation deputies in the National Assembly, will be named the Farmer-Green Alliance.
"Our movement does not," she said at a press conference earlier today, "have a name for itself. Our deputies in parliament refer to themselves simply by the name of the party or group of which they are members, as Greens or as partisans of the Democratic Movement; the media, on the other hand, calls us the ‘Greens/Democratic Movement.’ I feel - our leadership feels - and I am sure you all feel as well - that this is ridiculous. We are, firstly, one movement - two parties, yes, but one movement - and ought to present ourselves as such. And secondly, well, ‘Greens/Democratic Movement’ is an ugly name; it’s inelegant, unmemorable, both bad things for any political movement.”
“Our leadership, then,” she continued, “has decided to put an end to this miserable state of affairs. The central boards of both the Greens and the Democratic Movement have resolved to name our joint alliance the ‘Farmer-Green Alliance.’ It is a good name, a strong name, one that’s clear and snappy. It makes what we are and what we stand for clear—that we are the environmentalists and farmers of this country allied to defend our interests when they—and so often—intersect. The decision, I have to tell you, has already gone into effect; nevertheless, I promise you all that it will go for a vote, that you all, our members, those without whom our movement would not exist, will have the final say over whether the name is ultimately adopted. It is you who know best, after all, far better than we do - and you, I am sure, who will make the correct decision.”
The move has been widely interpreted as an attempt to place the alliance as a definitive successor to the Agrarian Union, which, while maintaining a significant parliamentary presence has collapsed in opinion polling—it gives the alliance the same identity, as an agrarian-environmentalist political grouping, while preparing its two member parties, the Greens and the Democratic Movement, to take the places of the two of the Agrarian Union, the Ecologists and the New Agrarians.
It is also seen as a confirmation of Isteresskemar’s intention to separate completely from the Agrarian Union. It has long been rumored that her relations with the rest of the party leadership were less than cordial, with her ardently nationalist and quasi-libertarian viewpoints clashing strongly with the progressive and often socialist inclinations of the Union establishment. Nevertheless, many believed that her decision to leave it and establish a new alliance with liberal politicians in the National Assembly was but a gambit meant to force her enemies within the Union to accommodate her. This “rebranding,” however, suggests that there was and is something more serious at play - of a deeper rift and of a genuine desire to establish an independent political movement.
Most expect the name change to be confirmed by the membership of both parties; few complaints, if any, have been made about it, and, in any case, they have become so centered around the figure of Isteresskemar that it is difficult to imagine them rejecting her directions and decisions, even if they are quietly opposed to them.
Reactions from the rest of the political spectrum have been sparing, if existent at all.
The Messenger: Recap
You are listening to the Messenger. Here's our nightly recap of the day's news:
Oskon, Jezebel-Swift announce concordat
Prime Minister Elspeth Oskon and Reszelport Jezebel-Swift have announced that they have mutually agreed to a new "concordat" to define and regulate the relationship between the Republic and the Arian Church, replacing the fairly liberal 2005 Framework Agreement with a far more restrictive system that strips the Church of its power over the German Territories and severely limits its ability to proselytize and provide religious education.
The concordat is a major departure from past precedent. Since the conclusion of the Arian-Istkalenic conflict in 1973, the Arian Church has, but for a handful of short, "extraordinary" periods, possessed an unusual degree of autonomy, especially in comparison with other churches and religious institutions in Istkalen. Now, however, it is to be subject to perhaps the most state oversight of all those recognized by the Istkalenic state. Nevertheless, the Church appears to be united in support for the agreement; none of its major leaders, nor any of its most prominent adherents, have raised a single note of protest.
Isteresskemar, Reiner raise concerns about Íkrat's "anti-Czech" proclivities
Írenet Isteresskemar, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the de facto leader of the newly founded "Greens/Democratic Movement" in parliament, and Grete Reiner, co-leader of the National Republican Party, have raised concerns about the opinions of formateur Elizabeth Íkrat in regards to Istkalen's relations with the Democratic Republic of Czech Slavia, a central European country that Istkalen has enjoyed warm ties with since the end of the occupation. Though both have reiterated that they are in support of the government formation process and do not wish to challenge the leading role of the Communist Party in it, they insist that Íkrat's views on Czech Slavia are dangerous - enough so that, although she is formateur, another Communist figure ought to take the role of Prime MInister in her place when the new government is formalized.
"I have the greatest respect for Ms. Íkrat," said Istersskemar earlier today. "She led the charge against the NSC; she is one of our greatest patriots, an invaluable and irreplaceable force who has dedicated her life to the defense of our Republic and our democracy. Nevertheless, I cannot help but be perturbed by her unusual and irrational hatred - there is no other word for it - for the Czech state, one of our most steadfast allies. Though there is no one else in our country with her stature and strength, I fear that for her to become Prime Minister, as she is expected to be, would endanger our relationship with the Czechs - and thus weaken our international position. For these reasons, I believe that we ought to begin to consider other candidates for the position."
Reiner was more blunt. "We simply cannot have someone who is so virulently and irrationally anti-Czech in this office," she said. "Czech Slavia is our closest ally; it is, to me and to the vast majority of Istkaleners, a model state, one whose path we ought to emulate. Ms. Íkrat is dedicated to this country, I do not deny that, she is perhaps more dedicated to it than anyone else in politics, but these opinions of hers make her, unfortunately, unacceptable to me and to almost everyone else involved in government negotiations."
Republic: Íkrat refuses cooperation with far-right
Elizabeth Íkrat, leader of Istkalen's Communist Party and the current formateur, has announced that she will not be cooperating with the "extremist right" in forming a government, specifically ruling out the National Resurrection Movement of Andrus Liiv and the National Union of Colonel Kuldar Loime as participants in any future government led by her.
"It does not matter," she said at a press conference held earlier today, "that these forces command the support of 20% of the Istkalenic population. It would not matter if they commanded 90%. They are anti-democratic and praetorian; they cannot be trusted with a gram of power. We have seen what their type have turned this country into in the span of but a few months; we know what terrors and atrocities they will unleash if given a single inch. I have been tasked with the creation of a new government - it is my sacred duty to do so, and to ensure that what government I give the country will govern it well. To allow these monsters and freaks into the cabinet, to allow them anywhere near it, would be for me to betray it and thus surely doom the country to chaos and death."
Her primary focus, she says, will be to work within the parliament - public opinion not withstanding - to construct a broad coalition, reaching from left to right, able and willing to enact the reforms that she believes the country needs to stabilize itself and transition to civilian and democratic rule. That the people support one force or another, she insists, is of no matter; the tides of opinion and societal preferences are, to her, completely ephemeral. Whether a majority supports the parties in her coalition is, thus, to her, completely irrelevant - it is something that can change like the direction of the wind, and thus something that is little more than a triviality. It is more important, in her eyes, to secure the support of "genuine" and more permanent civil society - she points to trade unions, civil servants, and other long-entrenched interest groups, as represented by the "establishment" parties - for it is these, she believes, that define the course and development of the Istkalenic polity in the long term.
Íkrat's statement has received a wide array of reactions.
"It is heartening to know," said Inge Meier, interim leader of Istkalen's Social Democratic Party, "that we will not have a government of the insane and the power-hungry. That alone is a great advance for our country. However, this should not be the standard we hold our governments - especially this government, which will have the task of completely rebuilding the country's institutions in the aftermath of the NSC disaster - to. It ought to be higher, much higher. We should have assurances not merely that the government will be sane and civilian, but that it will be committed - firmly - to democratic values. And these, unfortunately, we do not have. For all her words about rejecting extremism and authoritarianism, Ms. Íkrat is completely willing - she even seems to prefer - to work with the most autocratic forces in Istkalen, so long as they are in the National Assembly. She is talking with the leaders of Union/Progress, a party whose raison d'etre is the abolition of democracy; she is talking with the leaders of the National Republican Party, who share the preferences of the NSC on every conceivable issue but the question of who is to rule; she is talking with the leaders of the Greens and the Democratic Movement, who have and will continue to combine all the worst tendencies of the Istkalenic right, authoritarianism, ultranationalism, bigotry, into one, demonic force. Yes, we will have a government of the qualified, of the stable, of civilians - but it seems unlikely that we will have a democratic government, and this is a tragedy."
"I suspected from the beginning," said Andrus Liiv, leader of the National Resurrection Movement, "that this woman was a Vard. And now she reveals it plainly before the Istkalenic people. Everyone can see, now, how deep the infiltration of the crows and the snakes is. Everyone can see how rotten our so-called government is. To arms, I tell you, to arms; there is no other option. We are still under occupation, we are still under the yoke of the northern hordes and the southern snakes; we must resist with all our power if we are not to perish under their unrelenting pressure."
"The nation," said Colonel Kuldar Loime, "is in need of healing. It is in need of rejuvenation, in need of reconstruction. And yet the politicians of this country, for the sake of their own power and their own petty struggles, refuse the compromises and the broad-based cooperation that would give birth to these things, they refuse that which would allow the nation to recuperate from its ordeal. For the sake of their egos, for the sake of their greed, they condemn the nation to death. I will repeat what I said when I first announced its creation. The National Union is and always will be open to work with anyone who is committed to our country; it is sad that I cannot say the same of this country's political class."
The acting President, Ilmaras Kalessed, is expected to give a statement on the issue tomorrow; most predict, considering her own ties to Íkrat and her traditionally left-wing stance in Istkalenic politics, that, though she called originally for a "broad-based" government, she will lend her continued support for Íkrat.
The sitting Prime Minister, Elspeth Oskon, however, has not commented at all, nor indicated that she will ever comment
The people have the right to elect such Commissioners, and to expect them to do what they elected them for.
Cllr. Mizrachi-Roscoe, my proposal would allow the budget to be set even to zero, if a Commissioner so desired, maximizing flexibility. Yours, however, ensures that, no matter what future administrations want, the Union will have to spend money on at least one purpose - something I think, again, is unwise.
The Republic of Istkalen is and will always be supportive of a European approach to the pressing and existential issue of climate change - and, broadly, is in favor of an act on these lines.
Nevertheless, we fear that some of its provisions could unfairly funnel money to but a few member-states, at the expense of the whole. This, to us, is absolutely unacceptable.
In light of these concerns, I propose the following amendment:
III. At least
seven percent half a percent for each member-state composing the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone, up to a maximum of seven percent of all future budgets of the European Union will be set aside to be redistributed to each of the member-states that compose the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone in proportion to their population.
Councillor for the Republic of Istkalen
Let me explain my reasons for this construction. This funneling of money is meant to encourage membership in the CERZ - a member-state dissatisfied with the movement of its money to another will be incentivized to join the CERZ and therefore reduce that flow, and redirect some of it towards itself. Nevertheless, I understand the concerns voiced by Cllr. Tilkanas.
On an unrelated note, I would like to say that I am opposed to Councillor Mizrachi-Roscoe's second amendment; it would effectively establish a minimum budget, something that I do not think is wise.
Republic: Polling 10/10 - 17/10
conducted by Kaitmulen, 2.099 respondents
Party Preference (+/- from 10/9-17/9 poll)
note: the Christian Democrats have been banned by order of the Ministry of the Interior for "opposition to republican order," and were therefore not polled. The names of parties involved in ongoing government formation are italicized.
Communist Party (left-wing to far-left): 30,0% (+0,2)
Social Democratic Party (center-left): 15,1% (-)
National Resurrection Movement (far-right): 12,2% (-28,0)
National Unity (syncretic): 10,8% (NEW)
National Republican Party (right-wing): 10,6% (+4,5)
Union/Progress (center-right): 10,5% (+4,2)
Greens/Democratic Movement (center-right): 10,0% (NEW)
Agrarian Union (syncretic): 0.8% (-0,4)
Liberation (center, neutral): 0% (-0,8)
As per the Istkalenic constitution, I am the head of state until such time as the vacancies in Istkalen's co-presidency can be filled.
Acting in this role, I have determined that the government of Elspeth Oskon is untenable. It has no support in the National Assembly, and faces a rebellion from the ranks of the civil service that leaves it existing only in name. In order to ensure the integrity of the state, a rapid transition away from the excesses of the NSC period, and the resumption of regular governance in the aftermath of the 9 October mutiny, I am therefore announcing my intention to dismiss Elspeth Oskon as Prime Minister, and appoint Elizabeth Íkrat as formateur. Oskon will continue in her office until such time as a prospective government - which must be broad-based and reflect public opinion in its proposals - appears to have support in the National Assembly.
President of the National Assembly of the Republic of Istkalen
Proposed by Premier Commissioner Akem Linek
An act to establish a special zone of countries committed to a global reduction in carbon emissions.
SECTION I - ZONE
I. A Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone shall be established.
II. The Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone shall be composed of all those member-states of the European Union that both communicate to the European Commission their intention to enter the zone and meet the requirements for entry and membership set out in Section II as determined by a majority vote of the Commission.
III. At least seven percent of all future budgets of the European Union will be set aside to be redistributed to each of the member-states that compose the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone in proportion to their population.
IV. The Commission may, by majority vote, determine that a member-state within the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone is no longer meeting the requirements set out by Section II. If such a determination is made, the Internal Affairs Commissioner, or in their absence, the Premier Commissioner, must propose a motion to the Council to expel the member-state from the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone. Approval of said motion is by simple majority of those present in the Council, and results in the expulsion of the member-state from the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone.
SECTION II - REQUIREMENTS FOR ENTRY AND MEMBERSHIP
I. To enter and remain a member of the Carbon Emissions Reduction Zone, a member-state must have:
a) adopted a tax, to be paid either by consumers or producers, levied on the final consumption of goods according to the estimated amount of carbon dioxide released by the production of said goods, with the tax increasing the price of the emission of one ton of carbon dioxide by the equivalent of at least 40 euros
b) established a national plan, or equivalent, to eliminate positive net emissions from domestic electricity production by 2040 at the latest.
c) established a national plan, or equivalent, to eliminate positive net emissions from domestic manufacturing by 2055 at the latest.
As I promised, I am introducing an act to help stop climate change. The warming of the Earth is a key contributor to people's unhappiness, and, as Commissioner, I want to do as much as I can to slow it.
As per my original proposal made during my campaign, I am not imposing anything on the member-states. This act would merely reward those who decide to act - in the ways best supported by economics and modern science in general.
I am completely open to amendments, as I cannot understand what makes the people of the Union happy more than you - the representatives of their nations - can.
Republic: Loime to lead illegal intervention to support Communist-reformist rebellion against Tabithist occupation
In opposition to the majority on the National Salvation Council and in the government, Colonel Kuldar Loime, the leader of the "young officers" within the Istkalenic military, has declared his intention to lead an illegal expedition into Istkalen's south to support Communist and Arian-reformist led rebels against Tabithist rule.
"Our government," he said at a press conference earlier today, "is composed of traitors. It is illegitimate in every conceivable way. It is, then, up to those few patriots who remain to act in the interest of the nation with whatever power is at their disposal. Here are our darkest days, the South of our country overrun by a criminal and foreign cult, and no one is willing to do anything at all. It is thus my, the highest of the loyal within the Istkalenic state, responsibility to drive them out."
The Istkalenic military being organized along territorial lines, Loime has asked territorial leaders to mass at the border of the Tabithist occupation in order to prepare for the intervention. Several have already responded, and are currently moving their forces, with little resistance from other leaders.
The rebellion Loime intends to support has been ongoing for the past five days, organized by the Federation of Women's Committees, local branches of the Communist Party, regional and local "People's Committees," and various Arian leaders opposed to "Pope Tabitha," and has seized control over large parts of the occupied territory, perhaps most notably the entirety of the city of Kirelesile, once Istkalen's largest city and still its de-facto capital, establishing a new, temporary "regional" government over the liberated regions and conducting certain economic and social reforms, redistributing property, arresting "corrupt" officials, and moving for the "repeal" of censorship and of anti-LGBT laws. Though opposed to many of his more nationalist aims, Loime insists, nevertheless, that it is the beginning of the greater “renaissance’ he speaks to spark.