News Media of Istkalen

[Istkalen]

State Announcements for Kirelesile

Kirelesile is the primate city of Istkalen, with a population of 7.1 million - by far the largest, as well as the most economically productive. State Announcements serve as a bulletin, contributed to both by the government and by the people, although it is screened by the Ministry of Communications before publication. It is presently the only permitted publication in Istkalen.

General Reminder: Citizens are to be vigilant for terrorist activity, especially by the so-called Imperial Realm and the Reformed Social Democratic Party. It is the responsibility of every Istkalener to defend the integrity of the nation and of the Republic.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration against the confiscation of mines on the part of the occupying forces. Attendance is limited to 50; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration in favor of syndicalist-style reform to government in Istkalen. Attendance is limited to 100; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

A permit has been issued for the planned demonstration against the prohibition of promissory notes. Attendance is limited to 40; the event will be heavily monitored to prevent violence.

The Congress of Producers of Kirelesile will be meeting today at 16:00. The meeting will be broadcast on television, as well as livestreamed on the Municipal Government online service provided by the central government. Citizens will not be allowed to attend the meeting in-person due to concerns about the safety of the members of the Congress.

Due to the severe food crisis as a result of the volcanic eruption in Nofoaga, rations are to be reduced, at a level to be announced by the Congress of Producers.

Housing Cooperative 46 has eight open units, which are 80 ketsel-ir a month. Please contact [email protected] if interested.

We of the Department of Political Science of the University of Kirelesile are conducting a study regarding the effects of propaganda, primarily regarding the Northern Radio. Contact [email protected] for further information.

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[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek begins radical program of reform
Authorized by the Ministry of Communication - regards essential release of important information that cannot be conveyed through other channels

Vistek Rikkalek, in his first day as Head of State, in an effort to reconstruct the Republic and the nation, has turned the Internal Revolution on its head and steered the country on a new path - that of "non-aligned socialism." This is not the socialism of the UNSR or Czech Slavia - that is, it is not a socialism of control - but rather a socialism of democracy, whose meaning, in Rikkalek's own words, is "not the abolition of the classes or the creation of some new society but rather reforms to our economy and country so that both serve the common people rather than an elite." In particular, the "non-aligned socialism" of Rikkalek will not attempt collectivization or nationalization - it will instead attempt what he refers to as "a direct socialization," in which business is subordinated to the interests of the whole through the introduction and strengthening of new decentralized and collective institutions.

"Our conception of socialization," he said in the unveiling of the new ideology, "is not one which involves ideas of all sharing, of all holding all the wealth as a collective. Our conception of socialization does not involve putting industry under the state or any government. More than anything, rather than control, it regards motivations. Our socialization seeks the end of selfishness in the economy - it intends, through the creation of binding fraternities of workers - not the state occupational unions but rather more decentralized and egalitarian organizations, managed by the producers' committees, to gradually subordinate the interest of the individual to that of the whole, without ever touching the way in which property is owned or in which production is controlled and managed."

There is a strongly traditional and organic aspect to "non-aligned socialism," primarily in regards to the aspects of political organization and the forms of business that are to be allowed to exist in the new Istkalen. In particular, Rikkalek's conception of the producers' committees, which are to form what he terms "people's syndicates," involve this. In more common forms of socialism, institutions like the "people's syndicates" - democratic institutions founded on labor that encompass the whole of the working class - form the state and represent the people, removing institutions they feel are unjust. while acting to Rikkalek, however, argues that the people's syndicates will be collective institutions which will, while forming the state, primarily act to bind people together, rather than to represent them, although representation - thinking of the collective rather than a mass of disconnected individuals - will be one of their purposes. In essence, they will be communitarian and traditional, rather than progressive and individualistic. In addition, only traditional forms of business - "free workers," families, and the collectives they may form - will be permitted - an obvious invoking of nationalism and, again, traditionalist communitarianism, rather than anything socialist in nature. There is also an obsession with the worth of manual labor especially, considered the moral backbone of Istkalen - but this seems more or less cosmetic in nature - Rikkalek himself is a member of the intelligentsia, and has previously advocated for policies that benefit all sectors of society equally rather than merely manual workers.

However, in many ways, the ideology is also revolutionary. The nationalism it invokes is not that of Ikomar, with his ethnocentrism, or Kerel, with his statism, but rather one that cannot really be defined by traditional words. Istkalen has no common culture, nor any dominant culture - culture, thus, cannot be invoked. It has no common or dominant language that is native to the country - language, thus, cannot be used. It has no dominant ethnicity - ethnicity cannot be used. The only thing that all of its people share is history, and thus Rikkalek has decided to invoke history, alongside a vague idea of the "solidarity of peoples," in order to create his new nationalism. In particular, he has chosen to portray Istkalen before Relem as almost a utopia regarding race relations, in which all lived equally and beside each other, doing their part. It is this which he argues forms "the nation," and thus this that he wishes to return to. There is, as such, no focus on statism, no exclusionism, but rather one on binding people together based on the idea of shared history and interdependence - a continuation of the theme, one could say. At the same time, it definitely seeks a greater egalitarianism - it condemns "selfishness," and thus the accumulation of extreme wealth, as well as the economic exploitation, especialy within family businesses and certain collectives, that was endemic to Istkalen before the Social Democrats, and seeks the creation of a new society where all are made equal through solidarity and shared norms.

Non-alignment is an important idea that does not fall into either of these categories. Rikkalek, like Ikomar, wants to bring Istkalen outside of regional conflict, having it pursue a policy solely in its own interest, and seeks to give it a national ideology that is able to be reconciled with those of the outside world. In particular, he wishes to distance it from the ideologies of the outside world, creating a new one for Istkalen, a well as pursuing pragmatic policies in regards to foreign affairs rather than ideological ones.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: "Istkalen is the most progressive country in Europe," claims Council of Ministers

The Council of Ministers today released a statement claiming that Istkalen is the most progressive and modern country in Europe.

"Istkalen has long been at the forefront of social progress in Europe. It has never been held back by so-called 'traditional morals;' it has always raced into the future. We are a nation, a society, far more advanced in terms of social and civil rights than any other....Even in the most progressive of the European societies, patriarchal institutions continue to exist. The woman, in the family, is expected to give up her rights in society - her work, her independent life- and become totally dedicated to her husband and to her children. When she chooses to work, she is treated much more poorly than any other. She is asked constantly whether she is ignoring her children, whether she is contributing to social decline. She is disrespected in the workplace; she is asked, constantly, to answer difficult questions that are asked to no one else. She is caught in a constant cycle of guilt and despair. In Istkalen, there is no difference between woman and man. Both act as producers equally; none are ever asked questions, none are ever made to feel regret for working, that most natural expression of human creativity and strength. Childcare is the work of the community, rather than of a single sex; all participate, and none shirk. We are thus confident in saying that there is absolutely no sexual inequality in the Republic of Istkalen," the Council claimed, perhaps outrageously. The movement for women's equality began in Istkalen only with the rise of Tiraki, and even then was hampered in the countryside until the rise of the Social Democrats, who were able to impose the policies on the countryside; even then, they remained, until a few days after the invasion of Istkalen, in a horrific condition in the German territories of Istkalen ruled by he Patriotic Front; to this day, while they have won a great number of rights, in that area there remain restrictions on their ability to travel and work, although far from odious compared to the policies from before, which put them under virtual house arrest and deprived them of virtually all rights.

The statement also addressed the issue of LGBT rights. Istkalen, until very recently, was poor on this issue; while only same-sex "partnerships of labor" were permitted until the 18th of April, with marriage banned, morality laws in place prohibited homosexuality and "deviant" gender expression, carrying a penalty of up to five years in prison. In the German territories, this was completely untrue; people were expected to marry between the ages of 14 and 16, and could face severe reprisals for not doing so; virtually any act of a sexual nature outside of procreation was punishable by stoning, including the wearing of clothing which revealed even a small amount of skin (for women, including the face, for men, not), the act of going outside unaccompanied (for everyone), and putting one's hands into one's pockets. These policies have since been abolished, but their effects continue to last. The Council, however, virtually denied this and claimed that Istkalen was a veritable utopia for members of the LGBT community.

"In Istkalen, all consensual acts are legal. It is a very free society; people are not, and have not been for a very long time, bound to any institutions, or ridiculous 'traditions,' except those which ensure mutual respect and solidarity. People have been able to conduct themselves as they wished in a manner of respect throughout the ages. There are no thoughts about purity or respect to nonexistent spirits in the sky. No one will go around and scream at you because you have disrespected - oh no! - their precious idols or the ghosts and supernatural forces they have an unhealthy obsession with. In fact, very few people would care at all, unless if an act was against the principles of mutual respect and solidarity. Yes, there is a 'partnership of labor;' but this regards the organization of labor alone. It does not affect or bind the people of Istkalen in any other manner. There is also, too, a religion of sorts, but it is not a religion which ascribes anything to immoral gods who are respected solely because they are so-called gods or spirits or whatever; it is a religion which is devoted to virtue, reason, and labor - represented as constituting the heavens. It is clear we are a totally liberated society in this regard, far more liberated than other societies, even those societies which are constantly lauded as being 'liberal.'"

The statement then, most audaciously, claimed that Istkalen had the "most democratic art culture in Europe:"

"In Istkalen, art is totally controlled by the people. We have no authorities which determine what art is; art is the people's realm of authority, and the people's realm of authority alone. We indeed have artists and an intelligentsia, and we do support both; but the state promotes no specific cultural agenda. Everything produced by the people is supported, and thus, rather than conforming to ostentatious styles as in other countries which seek to claim that they are great at the expense of their citizens, or too simple styles, there is a great diversity of styles and creativity in Istkalen, allowing all talents to demonstrate themselves fully and putting the people in charge. We have the most democratic art culture in Europe; no one can claim to be freer in this regard than us."

In reality, art in Istkalen has been subject to censorship on and off; while under Rikkalek there has been rapid liberalization, under Ikomar it continuously was subject to regulations, which were continuously lifted and put back in place, or suddenly changed dramatically. Similarly, the Social Democrats and the Communists before them were in favor of 'looseness' in the art world; the "democratic" governments of 1973-1983, as well as the National Republicans, were however in favor of a very strict definition of "folk art." Yes, it is democratic now; but it is strongly influenced by anti-democratic policies that existed in the past.

The statement would continue to go on and on about the various freedoms people enjoy in Istkalen, again and again exclaiming that Istkalen was and is far better and freer than any other society or country in Europe. At the end, it seemed to tire even its writers, who were clearly giving up on their argument. While there is certainly great truth to their statements, especially in the post Social-Democratic society, where women and men are indeed largely equal and a spirit of liberation in all spheres of life prevails, they ignore many of the continuing inequalities, whether between the sexes, between sexualities, or ethnicities, as well as the effects of past repression on current culture.

In the end, the whole thing was a hilarious exercise in propaganda which no one is likely to believe entirely, even if there is a grain of truth in it (as is true for all good propaganda).

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek aligns state policy on occupation towards that of population

As Head of State, Vistek Rikkalek has pioneered radical new policy. While he is accused of being a crypto-social-democrat, largely due to his ideology of "non-aligned socialism," which shares certain characteristics with the Social Democratic ideology, largely in the area of social and economic organization, he has been the first of Istkalen's leaders since 1798 to not attempt to rewrite history in their favor or engage in totalitarian projects of social planning, and instead to acknowledge what already exists; in essence, a breath of fresh air for the people of Istkalen.

His policy in regards to the occupation follows this pattern. In opposition to the generalized antipathy of Kerel and the ambivalence of Ikomar, Rikkalek has decided to align the state towards the beliefs of the population - that is, ambivalence or mild support for the Reitzmic side of the occupation (particularly since the dramatic shift in policy beginning in mid-August), and strong opposition towards continued Vardic presence, although he has not sought to court the extremist racist beliefs now held by many Istkaleners in regards to them.

Today, while unveiling this policy besides a more minor reform to the apprenticeship system (an alternate form of vocational education), Rikkalek gave a four-hour long speech condemning Vardic actions in Istkalen, denouncing the Vardic government as "imperialists," "thugs," and "hypocrites."

"Over the past few months, the people of Istkalen have been constantly attacked and threatened by a group of thugs, who have used their so-called 'authority' to pillage and loot this country. They cannot be brought to justice; the state has no control over them. If it took any action, the nations of Europe would unite firmly against it, and crush it, allowing this gang, this mob, to run amok. They continue to stand by these monsters, you see, despite all they have done, all they have stolen, and condemn those who were merely misled and have now changed their course. Why? From them they have oil, from them they have protection for their precious, precious trade, and their precious, precious money. To them, human life, human happiness, is less important than the pursuit of profit," said Rikkalek about two hours into the speech.

"And so we have been tortured, constantly, the rest of the world silent. We must now stand up. Not violently, not violently; that would allow them to dismiss us before the public, and thus allow this situation to continue; but peacefully. Protest instead of war; words instead of weapons. We must make ourselves heard, so that the public of Europe knows, and, in that knowledge, demands an end to this horror. This inhumanity cannot be tolerated anymore."

"What we want is the return of dignity of our people and our nation; an end to the theft and the lawlessness, an end to this inhumanity. The mines, stolen from the hardworking and moral people of Istkalen, who were thrown out onto the street by the goons of Nylund and his government of criminals, must be returned, along with all else they have illegally seized and taken back with them to sell off. The destruction that was done to the environment in the pursuit of profit, in pursuit of the fulfillment of their insatiable desire for minerals, must be repaid for. They destroyed; they must now make reparation, to those and that whom and they harmed."

"We more than anyone else in all Europe understand reparation. As a nation, we did wrong, and for that we must repay. We have tried to repay; and we have failed because the thuggish government of Nylund refuses anything other than the permanent humiliation of our people and their subjugation to the interests of capital. Wrongs cannot be repaid with more wrongs; we make repayment not as the fallen being punished, but as the reborn making amends, as an equal, for what was done in a past life. Again, we demand that the government of Nylund itself makes reparation for what it has done, nothing more, nothing less. We do not demand that we be given the right to steal from the Vards, we do not demand that they humiliate themselves before us; we demand only reparation and an end to this."

"But we know they will not agree to this. They will never agree to this. They are a government of thieves, imperialists, and hypocrites. They will speak at length about their dedication to sustainability, ethicality, and a green world; but they turn around and they exploit others in other countries without any regard for any of these. It is clear they care about nothing but money, power, and fame; not about sustainability, and certainly not about ethicality. They are obsessed about themselves; they would kill millions if it meant they could hold on to their miserable positions. If they do not prove us wrong, it is the responsibility of the honest people of Vayinaod to bring them down for their terrible crimes and their total lack of morality."

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Republic of Labor - its history, and its portent for our future

Istkalen has long been a highly polarized society. The country, ever since 1946 and the return of exiles, carrying with them different cultures and different languages from that they left with, has been incredibly unequal, with the division between the rural Kitetois and "indigenous peoples" and the returned being the most salient example of this. Yet this inequality was never dealt with; for decades it was in fact encouraged. Successive governments of Istkalen argued that every person had their role, the implication being that the rural Kitetois had the role of farming, the urban that of ruling, the "indigenous peoples" that of participating in the rural handicraft industries, and the exiles that of creating the modern industry of Istkalen. This "policy" ended only with the rise of the communists in 1985, and even then they were mostly urban Kitetois who adopted a policy of "color-blindness," in effect ignoring the issue entirely. During this period, there was a simple solution, in the minds of all of these governments - to restructure Istkalen on the lines of vocation. Vocations were indeed de-facto racially segregated - again, the Kitetois farmed, the "indigenous peoples" made handicrafts, and the returned helped modernize the urban areas of Istkalen - but organization through them, in theory, would force people to think in relation to their interests as a member of a vocation rather than a race, and also to see life through the lens of labor rather than culture or family.

This was a policy that failed utterly. People continued to think through the lens of ethnicity, and, as time went on, the inequalities in society became more and more obvious. It was only the Social Democrats who ended the whole situation, through policies near barbaric in nature. They recreated the guilds and the estates in their entirety, but, more importantly, sought to totally remove any aspect of life outside of labor. Families were forcibly separated; a new partnership, based on that which the exiles had brought with them, was promoted in their place - a partnership, obviously, that was primarily economic in nature. Housing was forcibly demolished, particularly in the slums, which were cleared almost entirely in the space of two years; it was replaced by cheaper dormitories and monastery-like buildings in which thousands lived in cells, sharing most things, all of which was located near, if not within, workplaces. Even worship was abolished; through the Religion Council of Istkalen; a new atheistic "Cult of Labor" was created, in which people praised such things as "the Spirit of Industry," "the Spirit of Creativity," "the Spirit of Thrift," and so on and so forth. There was a certain freedom in this - the abolition of marriage had led to the rise of an almost anarchic environment in regards to procreation - but this was constrained by so-called "public decency laws," which severely punished vaguely-defined acts which were purely up to the interpretation of the police. However, it was largely through this anarchy that children were born during this time, although this complicated child-rearing (they were raised by the members of the dormitory or building, collectively, in which one agreed-upon participant lived, or simply in state-run orphanages).

Istkalen, after experiencing several years of relative peace under this authoritarian system, now stands without it, and thus open to the ethnic tensions of before. In particular, these were stoked by Ikomar, a Kitetois nationalist who attempted the expelling of several hundred thousand people, as well as Kitetois dominance in political and cultural policy, leading to outcry among virtually everyone else which, coupled with extremely unpopular policies sponsored by Minister of Finance Iskiris Koline and repeated crop failures, caused the rise of the Imperial Realm of Istkalen.

In the aftermath of this failure, Istkalen, under the direction of Rikkalek, stands to turn back to a moderated version of Social Democratic policies. In the whole of the post-1798 history of Istkalen, they were the only able to construct anything near close to being a national identity, even if it was through incredible force; while this identity rapidly collapsed, it is not unreasonable to believe that this was more or less because of their re-introduction into society, by such forces as Ikomar and the Northern Radio, more than anything. They thus serve as perhaps the most successful model for development and stability in Istkalen, one which, through their totalitarian policies, has been made effectively permanent. It is simply not advisable to go down any path other than that which they have set.

In effect, Istkalen will once again become a "Republic of Labor," with the totality of its society focused around labor. This will not be, fortunately, so radical - in the few months of the occupation, life has gone on in much the way that it was under the Social Democrats. The Cult of Labor remains the largest religion; a total of three traditional marriages have been conducted in this time, and most "de-annulled" marriages have had their members quietly "re-annul" them. While official rhetoric and policy has sought to de-Social Democratize the country, the effects of their rule, as well as the fact that many of their policies pre-2017 were popular, have made this virtually impossible.

There will be, however, certain changes. Rhetoric has changed to favor "socialism;" it is unlikely that the same emphasis on traditional institutions will be made under Rikkalek. The lack of militarism is also a great change; while under the Social Democrats, the prevailing thought was that the whole of the nation was in some way or another a member of the military, Rikkalek appears to be following in the footsteps of his short-lived predecessors and ensuring a more pacifist course for Istkalen. The liberal attitudes towards society which developed after the invasion are also likely to stay; there has simply been too much change in the country for the forced imposition of the conservative policies of the Social Democrats, and regardless Rikkalek himself appears to believe that unity through ancestral bonds and labor is more important than through united traditionalist norms.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Most incompetent government in Istkalen's History

With the deployment of European peacekeeping forces, as well as the official creation of the new Republican Defence Forces, a joint endeavor between the Republic and the J-TAI, it seems as though Istkalen will recover quickly from the turmoil that took hold of it; and yet this is far from true. Ultranationalism remains alive and well; the racism, particularly against Vards, provoked by the Northern Radio remains. Paramilitaries continue to operate in the countryside, and have carried out a number of attacks on important roads and reserves of food, further pushing the country headlong into disaster.

This is but a trend for the new "Republic of Labor" of Rikkalek, a false republic which postures without acting.

While the government speaks of ethnic reconciliation, none of it has actually happened. The government remains dominated by urban Kitetois. The same goes for its new rhetoric on "peasants" and "craftspeople;" the government has indeed made some concessions to them, particularly with the abolition of the state occupational unions and the relegalization of promissory notes, but has not actually done anything further than this. Dr. Koline remains Minister of Finance; while she has moderated under the pressure of Rikkalek, she remains a strong advocate for the adoption of more liberal policies in Istkalen, fiercely resisted, largely because they are unable to compete with foreign business, by the smallholder "peasants" and craftspeople that the government claims to represent.

The same goes for the issue of the failed "National Union." With the creation of a weakened military-style self defense force (still not on its legs), as well as the recent strengthening of the Administration of State, Public, and Internal Security, which played a pivotal role in preventing Istkalen from collapsing before the deployment of peacekeeping forces, the issue seems to have been largely resolved. Yet, again, the attitudes it helped create are still alive, and the state is taking few measures to suppress them. The National Union still stands; mob mentality continues to rule, in spite of all that has been done. Not even some violence on the part of the "Republican Defense Forces" will make it fall; such violence would merely cause the people to unite even further around the general insanity of the Union and the Imperial Realm. Rikkalek has realized this, but not that there is an alternate solution to the issue; he has instead opted not to act at all. He appears to believe that the arrival of a buffer between the various forces in Istkalen - the peacekeepers - will prevent any more violence, but he is, in all seriousness, wrong. His policies have indeed weakened the National Union to the point that the arrival of peacekeepers would cause it to collapse entirely in most areas - that is what arresting the leaders of a movement and cracking down on all of its activities, before endlessly propagandizing about it, does - but they have not weakened it to the point that it would perish entirely. Parts of it would survive, as we are seeing even now, and fight violently. Nationalism is never rational; this is not an exception. And yet Rikkalek does not care. He seems to believe that reason and science can overcome any problem - but these people are beyond reason. What must be done is terrible, but it is necessary. These people cannot be killed, for that would create martyrs. They cannot be picked off one by one, deported or sent to mysterious places; that would do the same. They must all be gotten rid of at once, in a violent force, but secretly. The state must make it seem as though they have merely faded away, slowly. In essence: they must die, all at once, every single one; but their deaths must be concealed form the public.

But action will not be taken. Rikkalek is soft. The actions taken against the "National Union" are all posturing, nothing else, just as everything else is about this government. What can be expected? Half of his government is still in prison, the other half is scattered across the country and the world. Some of them are growing old and are suffering from mental decline; others are young and blinded by their idealism. There is no in-between. As for he himself - he is an idiot unable to make any decisions, who goes around and makes rambling speeches without any substance. He is young, very young, but acts like he is an elderly man suffering from dementia.

This is not the only critical issue he has ignored, however. There is the issue of the family. Now, I, the columnist; I want a family, a good family, very much; but I cannot find a wife because of Rikkalek. He and his government promote immoral policies which are against the family, just as Kerel did, just as the Social Democrats did. Under him there will be no change. The nation will die if this is to continue; and yet Rikkalek does not care, he just goes on because he derives pleasure from torturing people in ths way, as well as from the license he gives himself to engage in all manner of activities.

There is also the issue of the famine. There is very little food in Istkalen, as of now; it snows constantly, and all the plants, all the crops, have gone dead. The smallholders, virtually all the farmers, their livelihoods have been wiped out, and soon ours will as well. People cannot survive without agriculture; the craftsmen must have their raw materials, and we must have our food, Under Rikkalek, who sits in his ivory tower and talks about nonsense constantly, we will have neither.

This is a terrible government we live under. They don't care about the people, they don't care about anyone. They are bringing back the Social Democrats, but now worse - at least the Social Democrats, despite their corruption, despite their bloodthirstiness, wanted the people to thrive. Rikkalek is probably so stupid and incompetent he doesn't even know who the people are, save for those who engages in all wildness with.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Ikomar, from house in Madrid, accuses Rikkalek of staging crisis in order to take power

The discredited former president of Istkalen, Liros Ikomar, ousted after pushing forward unpopular ethnocentric and out-of-touch policies, has claimed that the recent crisis in Istkalen was staged by Rikkalek in order to dissolve the People's Committees and centralize power around himself, citing Rikkalek's claim made earlier today that "outright violence has largely ended in the territory of the Republic" as proof that the whole of the crisis was either fake or done by actors beholden to Rikkalek.

"I remain the rightful President of the Republic of Istkalen," said Ikomar, speaking from a balcony jutting out on a busy Madrilenian street, to a small audience of members of the Istkalener diaspora. "My impeachment, as well as the earlier removal of powers from my person, did not occur as according to set out procedures; they were both acts orchestrated by Rikkalek in order to concentrate power in himself. This, I know, is shocking, unbelievable. The words that come from my mouth seem more like conspiracy theories spouted by the insane rather than the truth. But, I assure you, it is the truth. He was a power hungry man; but we believed he was the face of the new Istkalen, of hope, from this proclamation, and it was a result of this that I made the grave mistake of appointing him Prime Minister. There he gained control over the ministers, and engaged in sinister plots with them and the producers' committees to stage a self-coup. I came to know of this only by overhearing a conversation between Rikkalek and one of the Ministers of Defense. This happened on the 9th of September. The next day he had someone defame me in the state-owned news. What was reported was only partially true. It was an accurate picture of the situation several months ago, but was not at that point, nor is it accurate now. Things had calmed down, significantly, and the Republic had re-asserted authority. But we had no plans to establish a transitional authority in the country. The next day, he had Dr. Koline push through a nonsensical reform to create opposition to me, after which the producers' committees voted through a plan for the holding of a constituent assembly - a terrible idea in the present political climate."

"On the 16th of September, the Northern Radio proclaimed the Imperial Realm of Istkalen. At that point they were a force of five running around in the woods, but Rikkalek had so degraded support for the Republic, or rather my person, that the people began again to support them. This meant nothing in the long term, and most of what was predicted did not come to pass. Life continued as normal. It was at this point that I was illegally de facto deposed as President, and a few days later, after the government ran around screaming about how the country was disintegrating, which was entirely untrue, that I was de jure deposed."

"And now, after he has restructed the state around his person, in such a way as to ensure he holds onto his precious power for as long as possible, taking some of my popular policies - in particular, my policies surrounding the organization of the economy - and combining them with extreme authoritarianism, totalitarianism, in fact, before telling lies and claiming that I was an evil neoliberal and racial supremacist. For the record, neither are true. I am opposed to neoliberalism; it is not appropriate for Istkalen. My economic policies were the exact same - and I am not joking, not exaggerating - as those of Rikkalek, with the exception of the belief that the person exists solely as a member of a collective. Neither am I a racial supremacist - I merely attempted to acknowledge the fact that Kitetois is the lingua franca of Istkalen, and Rikkalek and his cronies have gone around and claimed that I am somehow evil and oppressing the other ethnicities of Istkalen. It all is slander!"

"Rikkalek gained his power through a coup, a coup based entirely on lies. He manufactured dissent and crisis, and when it was all done he was able to, with just a few words, call an end to it all. He now intends to use the EU, and the J-TAI, to uphold his tyranny. Stand against him! He must be removed, and the rightful government restored!"

Rikkalek has denied the accusations, arguing that it is indeed true that violence had largely ended in Istkalen - the declaration of the Imperial Realm meant effectively nothing, and the arrest of top instigators of violence in the early Republican period had served as preventation - and that this is not a result of him saying anything. He also claimed that Ikomar "has gone insane," and that his words are "that of a man who cannot accept the fact that he was incompetent, and removed because of that incompetence." However, he made one concession, stating that his economic policy was drawn from what Ikomar's was in theory, although he claimed that Ikomar never implemented this. He ended by affirming his committment to democracy, which was followed by the issuing of a decree once again allowing for the registration of independent news agencies, as well as ending the restrictions imposed upon the declaration of emergency.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek addresses the Congress of Producers

Head of State Vistek Rikkalek today addressed the Congress of Producers, calling for an end to "Western-style politics" and the institution of an "Indigenous system of government" in Istkalen. In particular, he condemned the political violence and infighting that has plagued Istkalen until recently, arguing that the country must adopt a "system of political cooperation," based on the National Front and the Congress in order to survive.

"Over the past few months," he stated, "our nation has seen some of the highest levels of social, economic, and political turmoil it has ever experienced. Our countrymen have turned against each other, nationality against nationality; ideology against ideology. This is plainly the fault of the system which my predecessors sought to introduce. Istkalen simply is not fit for a system of competitive pluralism; it merely incites intercommunal violence to these levels. In order to cultivate stability, we must turn to an indigenous system of government, a system of political cooperation instead of competition."

"My government has sought, at every turn, to return authencity and stability to this nation, socially, economically, and now politically. In the coming months, as an integral part of the construction of non-aligned socialism and the carrying out of the Internal Revolution, a new government shall be constructed in Istkalen, a government free of partisan-ism, a government founded on the workers of this nation, which shall arise out of the people's syndicates and the National Front. The politicians will all be thrown out, replaced by the moral, the genuine, and the hardworking. We do not seek the abolition of pluralism per se; in fact, we encourage it; we merely desire to do away with the present politics, Western-style politics, for it has brought nothing but misery to us."

This was met with a great hail of applause from the Congress, composed overwhelming of nativists and authoritarians strongly opposed to liberal democracy.

RIkkalek, however, went on to describe his plans for new elections to the Congress, which would occur along more traditional lines.

"We will firstly seek to restore this Congress. We shall do away with the Western methods of election, and substitute them for our own. Companies of workers shall elect the best of their own to serve on the producers' committees that form our ranks, two-by-two rather than one-by-one. Only the qualified, the hardworking, the moral, shall serve. With this, we shall thus create a government of the producers, a native government, a true government, a government that befits this nation," he stated, further speaking about how it would bring industrial organization and the state together and thus further abolish politics as they are.

Rikkalek has always had an antipathy towards traditional politics, as well as an affinity for ideas of merging industrial organization with the state - ten years ago, while relatively unknown, he was a syndicalist who collaborated with the short-lived reformist SDP government in its attempt to abolish the estates and establish a state founded on principles of industrial unionism. This address, as such, is merely a nationalist and statist variation on his previous politics, addressing virtually the same themes - returning power to the workers, establishing industrial self-government, and ending corruption and inequality. While it is almost certain that Rikkalek has moved somewhat to the right, particularly in his abandoning of the principle of socialization, it cannot be said that he truly believes in what he is saying; it is very possible that he is merely attempting to convey it in a palatable form to the politicians of the Congress of Producers. This, if true, would not be something new - while Rikkalek does clearly have specific principles he governs by, he will represent them in radically different ways to different sectors of society and the outside world. To the Congress of Producers, for example, he may, as he did here, present everything in an overly nationalistic light; to the population, in a more 'producerist' light, leaning towards a more moderate socialism or Western-style social democracy; to the West, everything in the most liberal light possible.

This may be made clear by the effects of Rikkalek's proposed reform. By introducing the planned electoral changes in particular, virtually all of the ultranationalists benefited by the previous system of indirect election would be removed, replaced largely with centrists adhering to "non-aligned socialism" in its purest form. Similarly, the transformation implied for government, in which bureaucratic functions would be handed to the people's syndicates, would have the effect of reducing or eliminating the power of high-ranking bureaucrats, most of whom are also either nativists or former "national" Social Democrats, giving it all to competent but ideologically non-suspect and loyal individuals. The reforms planned for the National Front are in all likelihood not to ever be implemented; the parties and organizations that form it are well-entrenched, popular, and at this point support Rikkalek more than oppose him. To abolish or weaken it would merely be a blow to Rikkalek's own power, one which would open a dangerous power vaccuum in Istkalen's politics that could very well lead to far worse - the Northern Radio, for example - gaining power.

In essence, Rikkalek's intention is to continue the "construction of non-aligned socialism," in his own words, in its existing moderate form rather than in the more extremist path he has implied; in doing this, however, he seeks to paralyze and remove the little opposition that continues to exist in the country and fully consolidate his power.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Rikkalek holds celebrations for the formation of the People's Association, gives address to the people

In commemoration of the formation of the People's Association, alongside the official institutionalization of "non-aligned socialism," with the formation of workers' societies and the network of indirectly elected "economic self-governments" governing the "workers' associations," Head of State Vistek Rikkalek has organized mass celebrations, including large cultural performances, from theater dramas to musical performances by ensembles, as well as rallies and other events held by high-ranking members of the People's Association of Istkalen.

"Long live our united and independent Istkalen," proclaimed former General Secretary of the Communist Party Ilisapit Íkrat, now one of the most important members of the Governing Council of the People's Association, before an audience of over 10.000 at one of these rallies organized by the Association. "Let us all come together and rejoice in this great effort to build a state of the people in our country; let us celebrate this construction of workers' democracy! Long live liberty, long live equality, long live justice, long live solidarity!"

Elsewhere, in the chambers of the National Assembly, vacant presently due to the period of constitutional implementation, national poetry, both from the Istkalener Renaissance of the early 20th century and from the modern age, was read by acclaimed authors, poets, and orators, to an audience of 1000 physically and millions virtually.

In the Grand Opera House of Kirelesile, several nationalist operas from the Istkalener Renaissance were also performed before a physical audience, as well as live-streamed.

On the Boulevard of the 25th of April, the main axis of the city of Kirelesile, a parade was held, commemorating the history of the Republic of Istkalen - its roots in the Republican Movement of National Unity founded in 1914, the establishment of the "crowned republic" in 1931, the 25th of April itself, when the actual Republic was established, all the way to the 18th of April, when the "national-social-democratic" regime fell; thousands were present, waving the five-color flag and shouting praises of the Republic and the principles on which it was founded - "nationalism, people's sovereignty, and people's welfare."

Tens of thousands took to the streets of the capital, as well as Kirelesile, the largest and most economically and culturally important city in Istkalen, to demonstrate for the Republic and the People's Association. "We shall stand for the national cause of the people's power forever!" several demonstrators were heard shouting before the Great Palace of the Republic, formerly the Imperial Palace and now the meeting chambers of the Council of Ministers, in Líressile. "We shall stand firm and construct our Republic for all!"

"The streets of Kirelesile are filled with patriotic citizens," stated Minister of Arts and Culture Makketis Ikalsser, describing the demonstrations. "I was and am surprised by this great turnout in the celebration of our Republic and nation. Even in our villages, there have been great celebrations and fetes in celebration of our common and noble cause."

Later in the day, Rikkalek appeared on a balcony facing the crowd before the Great Palace of the Republic, and delivered an address directly to the people, which was also televised and broadcasted to the rest of the nation.

"We, the people of Istkalen, have begun an important step in our march towards justice and democracy. We have, today, overcome our divisions in order to lay the first stone in the great Republic to come. Whether communist or liberal or conservative, whether one of the returned or one of the remained, whether Kitetois, Estonian, German, Turk, or indigenous, we have come together with the common cause of preserving our nationhood and ensuring the power and welfare of the people. In our Istkalen, I am confident in saying that we will establish a union of equal nationalities, an equal union founded on common history, common experience, and the solidarity of labor, and from this union shall spring what we, and our forefathers, dreamt of - the state of the people, the state of peace."

"The People's Association, comprised of the most politically adept of us all, will lead the way. All ideologies, all interests, will be united and represented in it for the construction of the Republic. Their, our, faith and steadfastness, will not waver. We will travel the road to people's power and independence together to its very end."

"The workers' associations and the workers' societies will be the basis of the Republic to come, a moral Republic of labor. Power will be theirs, must be theirs; there can be no other conclusion that does not deprive the people of their deserved rights and representation. The workers will participate directly in government, will participate directly in the construction of the new Istkalen political, social, and economic, through them. United and led by the People's Association, they will be the instruments with which we shall transform this country and build the state of people's power."

Rikkalek would continue by describing how these institutions, as well as the new Republic, would uphold the original principles of nationalism, people's sovereignty, and people's welfare, arguing that they would encourage mutual aid (people's welfare) and direct democracy, or at least a more participatory democracy (people's sovereignty) while overcoming the divide of nationality, by celebrating culture while emphasizing professional rather than national bonds, as to construct a greater nation-state (nationalism).

More interestingly, however, he would also briefly outline an economically nationalist ideology that would be promoted by the "Republic to come:"

"The issue of people's welfare is of course far more complicated than merely encouraging mutual aid. It necessarily also involves increasing, directly, the wealth of the people. The present economic model of Istkalen - focused on the export of raw materials - cannot suffice. We must turn ourselves to the development of more complex industry, while not abandoning the principles of craftwork and the personal aspect of labor that is at the essence of our nation. The state will focus primarily in reserving raw materials for processing within Istkalen, as well as in promoting the construction of more advanced industrial facilities - for example, in the manufacture of electronics. We will not ignore the traditional industry of our nation, on which it rests - our craftspeople and trade-workers - on the contrary, we will emphasize and support it also. However, it is absolutely necessary that modernization continues for the welfare of the people, so that their incomes are increased and that they are able to afford more."

Modernization has never gone particularly well in Istkalen; the last time it was attempted, it resulted in extreme social upheaval and an eventual cou p which set behind the cause of democracy for decades. This time, however, promises have been made to preserve traditional modes and styles of production as much as possible, as well as to try to import these to the greatest extent into modern industry - an independent "Istkalener Technological Revolution," so to speak, which would go against the trend just as Istkalen did during the first Industrial Revolution. It is very possible, now, particularly with Rikkalek's mind and devotion to this cause, that modernization could succeed, and in fact pave a way for a more human economy in the rest of the world.

More importantly, however, it implies many other things. Firstly, it implies self-sufficiency - that Istkalen will attempt to wean itself off of its dependence on the West for advanced machinery and electronics. Secondly, it implies that the present embargo on exports of important mineral resources, particularly cobalt and rare earth metals, could continue in a different form - that they could, rather than be exported, be redirected for the use of growing industry in Istkalen itself.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Workers' associations are created

Elections to the workers's associations - that is, the "workers' committees" and "councils' that govern them - occurred today. Workers' societies met as to elect ward-level committees and councils, nominating candidates belonging to a larger class of potential candidates previously approved by the Council of Examination - a candidate gained nomination if they were able to gain the signature of at least 10% of the workers' society's memebrship. Nominations were then voted upon by the membership of the workers' societies; in the case that a candidate could not garner a majority, the two candidates earning the most votes would be included in a second round. Each workers' society was entitled to at least one seat on a ward-level committee, with the total number of seats dependent on total membership.

Ward-level committees and councils elected commune-level committees and councils in much the same way; these councils then met to nominate lists of candidates, which were then voted on, using the system of block approval voting, by their membership, with the vote of one councillor equivalent to the number of constituents said councillor represented.

The elections were entirely nonpartisan; parties, including the national-level People's Association, were prohibited even from endorsing candidates. The intention was to require candidates to stand on their own merit, as well as to prevent violence and "ultrapartisanism'. This, however, was little more than nominal; candidates did in fact possess political ideals, which they spoke of at length while defending themselves during the nomination phase. While they were not openly allowed to mention specific ideologies or specific parties - both would have been grounds for prohibition from candidacy - most at least implied both.

One prospective candidate, for example, standing for election to the 50-member national-level council for the Medical Workers' Asosciation, repeatedly defended ideas such as "opposition to the economic hegemony of certain nations," "preservation of Istkalen's economic independence," "greater economic equality," and "the placing of the economy under full social control" - clearly Communist in nature, and meant to gain the support of a mostly pro-Communist constituency. While the candidate in question certainly did answer questions regarding to the direct interests of medical workers, as well as the medical regulations the Association is responsible for, it is likely that it, in the end, was the political opinions expressed - that is, these Communist opinions - that resulted in the final decision to elect the candidate.

Within the committees and councils themselves as well, informal "committees" have formed, which in reality group together members of similar political affiliation. The state has responded merely by stating that such committees may not participate in political activity - they may not campaign, for example - and that political parties may not endorse any given informal committee - but that, for the time being, they will be tolerated, as they do not yet appear to be a threat to national security and unity.

Unlike previous elections under the post-Social-Democratic Republic, the institutions formed have not leaned significantly to the right; virtually none of the candidates are any further than center-right, with even elements of the Patriotic League and its ideology failing to be elected at all, replaced instead by solidarist and moderate Linekist councillors and committee-members. The left, too, has suffered; while Communist-affiliated candidates were in fact elected, they were not as prominent as in previous assemblies, replaced largely with candidates affiliated, through common ideology, with the National Republicans and the Agrarian Union.

Those of liberal ideology too also gained prominence, although not those close to former President Ikomar in ideology; they now occupy a plurality of seats in seven of the 16 national-level councils and committees of the workers' associations.

Several members of the opposition - what those who left the People's Association to found new independent parties are now termed - objected to the way in which the elections were conducted, arguing that they were neither free or fair, and did not give voters any real choice.

"The candidates were preselected by the government of Rikkalek," stated the Central Committee of the (refounded) Communist Party of Istkalen, summing up the general position of the opposition as a whole. "To be able to become a candidate, to be designated as such by the regime-controlled Council of Examination, it was effectively a precondition to support Rikkalek. These elections thus offered no real choice to the people, no real opportunity to enact a change in government or in policy, and thus cannot, in any meaning of the words, be considered either free or fair."

Regardless of the fairness of these elections, they will have considerably less impact than previous elections in post-Social-Democratic Istkalen.

Compared to their strength under Ikomar's tenure, the associations are to be significantly weakened. Under the recently passed Local Government Act, the authority they once held through "Congresses of Producers" - that is, full legislative power, that to coordinate production, "ensure the social purpose of the economy," as well as that to appoint the local judiciary - has been transferred to re-established "People's Committees," which will exist on ward and communal levels and will be elected at-large through asystem of combined approval-voting, a radical break from past systems of organization. In the interim, these "People's Committees" are composed of government appointees, all of whom are members of the People's Association; even then, the elections to them, scheduled for 4 December, will have candidacy limited to members of the People's Association and state-approved independents, with the Council of Examination even then still playing a role in limiting candidacy.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Mild liberalization announced

As a part of the recently released "Istkalener Economic Mechanism," mild liberalization of the economy will begin, although increased state control may be seen in certain sectors.

In particular, the government has announced its intention to end the policy of granting monopolies to specific workers' societies, as well as in requiring workers to join workers' societies. From now on, while the societies will remain limited to the boundaries of a ward, workers will be able to freely found, dissolve, and merge them in most industries; at the same time, it will be the choice of every worker whether or not to join a society. Related to this, the requirement of forming a labor-partnership in order to gain full economic rights will also be abolished; workers may now work alone, as an individual within a society, or in the traditional way - as a partnership, either alone or within a society.

This has been accompanied by a new property law, which, for the first time, allows workers' societies to hold property - a step, perhaps, towards the full legalization of outright businesses in Istkalen - as of now, workers' societies are little more than weak mutual-aid groups. The same law, however, also hints at a more controlled approach to be taken towards certain sectors of the economy - it also allows the state, as well as workers' associations, to own property directly, outlining twin processes of "nationalization" and "socialization" that detail how property may be converted into the ownership of the state or the workers' associations respectively, as well as the organizations that will control the property afterwards. This may complement previous, vaguer, plans to promote broader industralization, funded through mineral extraction and exportation, as well as to "integrate" Istkalen's energy and transportation infrastructure under national authorities.

The mechanism will also end the prominent retail role of the Ministry of Public Distribution, and will, in its place, gradually introduce a market system; in terms of wholesale, however, the state has confirmed that the Ministry will retain its role. Price controls on certain goods, particularly foodstuffs and medicines, will also be retained. The stated purpose of this is merely to solve crippling supply issues in regards to a variety of consumer products, while at the same time ensuring price stability and preventing gouging by private actors.

The system will not be open to international actors; import and export will be managed solely and directly by the Ministry of Public Distribution (in the past, certain societies of traders and merchants were allowed to engage in import and export - no longer, largely due to perceived corruption). This limitation is largely due to concerns, both within the populace and within the government, that to open import fully to foreign actors would immediately cause the market to be flooded with significantly cheaper goods from abroad, ending domestic industry due to an inability to compete and creating a massive trade deficit. Foreign-directed export, on the other hand, is perceived to be an enabler of continued neo-imperialistic exploitation of Istkalen in the style of Reitzmag. Similar reasons also have prevented any attempt to allow for foreign ownership of property in the country. The government, however, has signaled that it may be willing to slowly open the economy to international actors in the future, after the economy is deemed to have stabilized from the disastrous effects of the 13th April coup, the "Farcical War," the occupation, and the volcanic winter.

The liberal wing of the People's Association criticized the reforms, arguing that they did not go far enough; in particular, they stated that, in Istkalen, the pressing need was not necessarily to introduce market elements but rather to allow for greater foreign investment, beginning with allowing foreigners to hold property in the country, and thus that the reforms would accomplish little of importance. The communist wing also issued criticism, but from a different angle - it argued that moving the economy towards the market would widen inequalities by enabling corruption and scams like the "exchange-rate-scheme" of this year, while also reducing the scope of the welfare system, by weakining the workers' societies responsible for it, thus leaving many worse off.

In support was the agrarian wing, which, while supporting the market-based reforms, which would give farmers greater autonomy, criticized the continued existence of price controls, arguing that they, under certain circumstances, could adversely affect farmers' profits, and thus cause disruption during a period of already extreme shortage. They were, however, in great support of the protectionist measures, which they believe will protect native farmers from being pushed out of business by less expensive, foreign imports. The left-nationalist wing was similarly supportive due to the measures' protection of native light and craft industry, as well as their promotion of greater autonomy for craftsmen.

The reforms are seen as a general part of a process which seeks to increase Istkalen's international image by pursuing moderate policy open to further reform.

[Istkalen]

Popular Appeal: "Extraordinary state of emergency" declared amid mass protests

Rikkalek's government has been extraordinarily poor in regards to the workers and minorities of Istkalen. It, just as Ikomar's did, has promoted a program in favor of the Kitetois majority and in particular of large businessowners, and has undone the progress made since 1985 in combating inequality in Istkalen. The country, already falling in a downwards spiral, has seen, in particular, unprecedented increases in corruption. At the same time, his government has retained the most ineffective policies of previous periods of ethnic struggle - the refusal to acknowledge the Heltois as an ethnic group (from Kitetois periods of dominance), and the imposition of the labor-partnership on the rest of society (from post-Relemian Heltois periods of dominance), with the ethnicities that have not held political power since the Relemian period (Estonians, Germans, Turks, other ethnicities) often the worst affected - particularly the Germans and the Turks, who are forced to live in specific areas, outside of which they possess virtually no economic rights. A number of popular reforms made after the fall of the monarchy in 1946, from the revolutionary 1985 laws on the family and the position of women in society to the 2005 Social Democratic reforms to industrial organization and organizations of cultural self-determination, which have been unequestioned until now, have been reversed, replaced with nonsensical legislation that is vaguely in the direction of creating a liberal democratic state in Istkalen, but in reality enabling dictatorialism, extravagance on the part of rulers, and further corruption.Worst of all, the government has made an attempt to revise history itself as to justify these policies, seeking primarily to argue that they are the most natural, and thus the best, state of affairs in Istkalen.

Politically, the government is extremely repressive. The level of authoritarianism it has governed with is unprecedented; tens of thousands have been imprisoned for political disloyalty, with many more simply disappearing.

Several politically significant party have seen significant persecution under his regime. The Communist Party, by far the largest party in Istkalen prior to today, has had thousands of its members taken into indefinite custody; most of the members of its Central Committee have either joined his People's Association or have vanished. It has have been prohibited from functioning as a mass party, with significant restrictions on the political expression of its few remaining members. The same has befallen many other refounded political parties, particularly the Patriotic League, which was declared illegal on nonsense pretexts, with virtually all of its remaining members taken into custody.

The situation was not tenable. Mass protest broke out in Istkalen shortly after the promulgation of the law on liberalization, largely over unresolved issues over social policies, ethnic divides, political authoritarianism, and, more directly related, fear of what a liberalized market could do to Istkalen's many craftspeople and smallholders. Heltois, discredited as an ethnicity and derided as foreigners after the overthrow of the Social Democratic state, argued that liberalization laws were a farce meant to draw attention away from their oppression, including the removal of their cultural autonomy, the complete removal of their language from any curriculums in Istkalen, and the stripping of many of their citizenships; the Estonians, on the other hand, were focused primarily on the economic issues caused by it, although many were angered by the law's refusal to deal with the issue of the partnership of labor, whch they have by-and-large rejected in favor of more traditional systems of marriage and cohabitation.

The Kitetois, too, those who stood to benefit most from the act, were angered; while Social Democratic policies greatly increased social mobility, many of them remain smallholders, who feared that the law would allow larger, richer individuals to "crush" them. The national minorities - particularly the Germans and the Turks - were upset for very similar reasons, although they too, on a mass scale, objected to the refusal of the legislation to address continuing ethnic inequalities in regards to power (while the minorities constitute up to a fifth of the population, they are effectively denied political representation, as well as economic rights outside of tightly confined geographical areas) as well as its refusal to further liberalize the restrictive, puritanical social legislation of the Social Democratic period.

All these groups further objected to the existing people's committees and the upcoming elections on the 4th of December, particularly after a number of opposition candidates suddenly found their candidacies voided by the Council of Examination, on the pretext that they "were found to lack the necessary qualifications."

Currently, appointments to the local people's committees have largely been of officials of the new military trained by Reitzmag. While this was initially praised for its efficiency, particularly in bringing stability to the country, oppressive measures taken by these governments - several have allegedly arrested members of the local opposition on unusual offenses, including "public immorality" and "cultural desecration," detaining them for extended periods of time without trial, while at the same time replacing members of local courts with other military officials. The fear is now that the 4th of December elections will serve merely to legitimize this quasi-military government at a local level, especially given that opposition candidates have now been almost entirely eliminated.

Today, hundreds of thousands protestors gathered in the capital, far outnumbering the actual population of the city - an estimated quarter of a million were present, in comparison to the city's population of only about a hundred thousand people, demanding free local elections, the removal of military appointments to people's committees, the end of the system confining the 'national minorities' to specific geographical areas, some degree of cultural self-governance, the reversal of liberalization and the re-instation of certain aspects of the system of industrial organization under the Social Democrats, the dissolution of the People's Association, the full re-legalization of political parties, and the calling of a constituent assembly.

The response of the government has been to declare an "extraordinary state of emergency," giving almost total power to Rikkalek and temporarily dissolving - or rather, prohibiting any activities on the part of - all political parties and mass organizations. Mass assemblies are also temporarily prohibited, if conducted without a permit. The freedom of the press, however, has not been affected, unusual, although it is likely that decrees will be passed on this subject.

"We will tolerate no instability in our Istkalen," stated Rikkalek. "Everyone demands it; the Republic will be constructed, and the country will tread the path towards democracy. We will not give in to the demands of washed-up Social Democrats; we will round them all up if they stand against the ideals of people's power and stability."

Indeed, the police, assisted by the Adminstration, was given orders to disperse the mass protest in the capital, under the pretext that it was "organized by anti-democratic agents, likely connected to elements of the Social Democratic Party," resulting in the arrests of hundreds if not thousands, although this has yet to be confirmed.

Many, particularly within the state-owned media which is allowed to operate, have strongly criticized the action, calling it a "self-coup," an "example of Rikkalek's lust for ultimate power," and far worse. Rikkalek has responded by arguing that the move was necessary "to prevent civil violence."

"The actors of the Social Democrats, of the Northern Radio, of the many other anti-democratic forces in our Istkalen, will not listen to reason," he stated. "They are fundamentally irrational; the only way to deal with them and thus to ensure a genuinely democratic Istkalen is by force. Many of the other democracies of Europe have done similar things in the face of similar threats; the United Duchies, one of the most powerful countries of Europe, has done so. No one attacks them for organizing self-coups or whatever nonsense this is; why are we attacked? We are merely doing what is necessary to maintain people's power and public tranquility in our Istkalen."

Rikkalek later answered many of the concerns of the protestors in a lackluster way, before an enthusiastic crowd whose members were pre-selected by members of the Administration.

"The ethnic grievances I understand were used by the Social Democrats to provoke civil violence are based in fact, provoked by Ikomar and Kerel before him," he claimed egregiously. "We are working to rectify them; but this takes time. Much of this policy has become entrenched; it is difficult to remove. But we are trying the best we can. I ensure all that a system of self-government for the nationalities forming Istkalen will be completed by New Year's Day, as well as that the law on labor-partnerships will be superceded by nationality-based laws upon the creation of the system. Decisions regarding social legislation, in particular the 1985 legislation whose recent repeal I understand was highly controversial, were made primarily in the interest of modernization and for greater autonomy of nationalities. Much of the legislation in question is heavily ideologically based, and in order to modernize we believe that legislation must become more broad-based in nature; at the same time, we would prefer that some of the matters at hand, particularly the marriage laws, be devolved to the national self-governments upon their creation. On the issue of industrial organization, the recent liberalization was a trial, and we are likely to return to the previous system now that we have seen it has already failed. We will, however, not believe or conceded anything to those employed by the Social Democrats to turn these legitimate grievances into weapons as to restore them; we will tolerate no restoration of the Social Democrats or of any of their institutions, and we will hunt down all of those Social Democrats who remain, as they are a threat to the people and to our Istkalen."

He would also promise, later on, that the "extraordinary state of emergency," which only he has the authority to end, would be lifted by mid-December, likely earlier.

"The state of emergency was declared to the massive infiltration of the population on the part of the Social Democrats; once the Social Democrats are eliminated, which, because they have revealed themselves today, will be simple and efficient, our Istkalen may return to normal," he said.

[Istkalen]

People's Daily: A new government in Istkalen

The national-level workers' committees and councils today gathered in the capital in opposition to the declaration of the "extraordinary state of emergency," which they argued was an illegal plot masterminded by the J-TAI, proclaiming themselves the "Congress of the Republic of Istkalen," an electoral college with the right to appoint a new legislative assembly, alongside new Councils of Censors, Examination, and Justice. The "Interim National Assembly" appointed to serve as a legislature, composed of 50 members, appointed a new government that installed a de-facto coalition of the Communists, Agrarians, and banned Patriotic League, with an independent but allegedly "Communist-linked" prime minister, although Rikkalek was allowed to remain as "Head of State," in a position that holds little power, apart from "representing the nation abroad" and "holding mediating power" (the responsibility of mediating between disagreeing institutions of state. This is likely due to the fact that most do not blame him personally for the events in Istkalen, instead appearing to hold to the opinion that he is "a good man trying his best" - that is, a competent and moral politician who has merely found himself manipulated by powerful forces beyond his control.

These actions were given a legal justification by the writ of election issued for those to the workers' committees and councils forming Istkalen's workers' associations, which stated that the elections were for the purpose of "electing authentic representatives of the people;" the members of the Congress argued that, as they were "authentic representatives of the people," they were duty bound to authentically represent the people - that is, act in accordance with the popular mood - which necessarily entailed taking this action. This was quickly declared illegal by the previously existing Council of Justice, which argued that nothing in any existing legislation actually gave the committees and councils the power to undertake the action that they did.

The "Interim National Assembly" ordered immediate elections, based on the model used to elect the original people's committees on the 18th of April and beforehand in occupied territories, to the local people's committees, while at the same time attempting to re-organize the nascent military along "decentralized" lines, as to "facilitate self-defense," ordering members to "temporarily" form "soldiers' councils" to seize power from "Reitzmic lackeys in the upper ranks." Despite the organization possessing virtually no actual legitimacy, and being effectively the result of an attempted coup on the part of the workers' committees and councils - the motions gained wide recognition from the people of Istkalen. People's committees on the lines of those of the 18th of April were indeed established across the country in place of the military-dominated ones appointed by Rikkalek; soldiers across the country did in fact mutiny and establish the "soldiers' councils" named by the "Interim National Assembly."

This success appears largely to do with the continuation of the occupation, although increasing ineffeciencies, as well as alleged corruption in the highest ranks of the bureaucracy and the military, may have played a role. Istkaleners have been promised multiple times that the occupation soon would end; the failure of any authority to deliver on its promises either to withdraw or to remove the occupation has led to significant declines in trust, both in the J-TAI and in the republican government. With the recent and sudden crackdown, many have come to see the present cabinet, although not Rikkalek himself, oddly enough, as an arm of the J-TAI, which exists solely to enable them to indefinitely extend the occupation while at the same time allowing for greater economic imperialization on their part.

"We are really tired of them," said a Ms. Riina Kruus, an important trade unionist in Kirelesile. "They have done only two things of benefit - eliminate the Social Democrats and allow us a new military for self-defense. At the same time, however, they have pillaged our lands, stolen massive wealth, while refusing to lift a finger for the suffering people of our country. They bombed the countryside in the south for little reason, and it has been left scarred; and they have done nothing, even in spite of the early winter we have had this year. Many are impoverished, many are starving, and they have actively sought to inhibit any form of aid to the people. Oh, they have promised to leave, but they still have not. I imagine this whole crisis, perhaps even the liberalization and all the other nonsense that preceded it, is a farce invented by them to remain in power, to say, 'oh, the people in Istkalen are too stupid to be allowed to rule themselves, we must rule them for the benefit of Europe,' so that they may hold on to whatever little stolen wealth they still hold now after the action of the people against them."

"There is no reason for them to say any more. Of course, there is political instability, but it is not as though they have actually done anything against it, and in any case it is an inevitability in our country - an inevitability in any multiethnic country, an inevitability in any country transitioning away from authoritarianism and extremism...they cannot stop that, they are not gods to do so, although I imagine that they believe they are, in their extreme conceit."

The "Interim National Assembly" has adopted a legislative agenda primarily based on restoring what they believe to have been the goals of the 18th of April; they have ordered the abolition of the workers' societies, and have passed a general law effectively turning the associations into very large societies on the model of Kerel's "state occupational unions," with each laborer having specific duties to the association in return for certain rights, but have promised that there will be no attempt to interfere with private ownership of property. Coordinating the associations, on the unfulfilled model of the Ministry of Public Distribution, is the newly appointed Economic Coordination Council, composed of twenty "experts."

The 1985 laws on the family, marriage, and labor-partnerships have been restored in their entirety, lifting reqirements that individuals enter one or another to possess economic or political rights; a committee for establishing national societies, in line with demands for greater cultural autonomy, particularly in regards to the aforementioned family laws, and later meant to mediate and unify them in the case of ethnic conflict, has been appointed. Elections to a genuine National Assembly, which will serve doubly as a constituent assembly, are scheduled for the 1st of March.

In contrast to these radical reforms, however, a statement was made, conveying the idea that Istkalen's new government would continue policies of non-alignment and openness to the rest of the world, and that no repression or radical change would take place under its government. It highlighted the legality of the takeover, as well as the widespread popular support for it.

Rikkalek himself is expected to make a statement on what has effectively been his overthrow.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Polling on important issues

Polling was recently conducted on a number of important issues, returning certain unusual results to be analyzed soon.

1. Do you believe yourself to be better off than under the Social Democrats?

• YES: 5,7%
• NO: 86,3%
• NO CHANGE: 8,0%

2. Do you believe that the country is moving in a generally positive direction?

• YES: 22,3%
• NO: 75,2%
• NO OPINION: 2,5%

3. Are you in support of the economic measures taken by the Malk government?

• YES: 71,8%
• NO: 10,1%
• NO OPINION: 18,1%

4. Did you support the economic liberalization laws of the former Rikkalek government?

• YES: 22,9%
• NO: 58,1%
• NO OPINION: 19,0%

5. With what grouping do you most identify with: vocation, ethnicity/nationality, community, the country as a whole, or other?

• VOCATION: 19,1%
• ETHNICITY/NATIONALITY: 23,4%
• COMMUNITY: 0,8%
• COUNTRY: 36,6%
• OTHER: 20,1%

6. Do you feel that there should be greater autonomy for ethnicities and nationalities in Istkalen?

• YES: 37,1%
• NO: 10,7%
• NO OPINION: 52,2%

7. Does a separate Heltois nationality or ethnicity exist?

• YES: 48,2%
• NO: 51,1%
• NO OPINION: 0,7%

8. Would you support a restoration of the Social Democratic regime, if it did not entail war?

• YES: 50,3%
• NO: 49,6%
• NO OPINION: 0,1%

9, Do you agree with the following statement: "there was more good about the Social Democratic regime than bad."

• YES: 55,2%
• NO: 34,7%
• NO OPINION: 10,1%

10. Would you support the creation of a liberal democracy in Istkalen?

• YES: 22,3%
• NO: 58,5%
• NO OPINION: 19,2%

11. Would you support military rule of Istkalen?

• YES: 32,1%
• NO: 65,8%
• NO OPINION: 2,1%

12. Would you support the implementation of a technocracy or meritocracy in Istkalen?

• YES: 51,2%
• NO: 32,7%
• NO OPINION: 17,1%

13. Would you support the implementation of a limited democracy, of the type of Melitek and Tiraki implemented?

• YES: 58,1%
• NO: 22,7%
• NO OPINION: 19,2%

14. Do you support the institution of the labor partnership?

• YES: 87,2%
• NO: 11,8%
• NO OPINION: 1,0%

15. Do you support current laws regarding the status of partnerships and children?

• YES: 85,6%
• NO: 12,3%
• NO OPINION: 2,1%

16. Are you in support of the J-TAI?

• YES: 8,2%
• NO: 91,3%
• NO OPINION: 0,5%

17. What is your view of Reitzmag?

• POSITIVE: 10,6%
• NEGATIVE: 43,4%
• NEUTRAL: 44,0%

18. What is your view of Vayinaod?

• POSITIVE: 9,9%
• NEGATIVE: 49,5%
• NEUTRAL: 40,6%

19. Do you support the non-aligned foreign policy of Istkalen?

• YES: 56,2%
• NO: 43,7%
• NO OPINION: 0,1%

20. Did you support the actions that the government took during the crisis in the Red Strait/Strait of Adventuranza?

• YES: 40,2%
• NO: 41,3%
• NO OPINION: 18,5%

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service; Local elections signal turn towards "national" Social Democracy without general insanity that characterized end; new PM outlines state policy

The local elections scheduled for today, radically changed by the collapse of the Rikkalek government and the election of the new Malk government, allowing thousands of candidates who had previously been disqualified for politically motivated reasons to run, resulted in an unexpected for the ruling Communist-Agrarian coalition, while at the same time significantly increasing the number of "technocrats" - non-partisan experts - in government. While most only had a short time to campaign, many benefited from the previously established network of the parties and organizations which backed them, which had continued to operate, as well as from the widespread popularity of the newly installed government, particularly in its rejection of liberalism and its argument that Istkalen should conduct itself as it wishes, albeit peacefully, rather than being beholden to foreign interests and powers. The vast majority of winning candidates, regardless of political affiliation, ran on platforms promising a return to the past, as the Malk government has tried to deliver on - nationalism, stability, self-suffiiency, and a partial return to Social Democratic forms of industrial and social organization, while retaining the advances made in terms of human rights.

The strong support in particular for the named "national" Social Democratic policies reflects a new trend in Istkalener politics. While most in Istkalen were and remain opposed to the extreme totalitarianism and militarism with which it operated at its very end, the vast majority feel that, apart from that short period, life under them was generally better than it is now.

"Under them, it was all better. There were no queues, no shortages, we had everything. People had money, real money; they even received it from the state. There was none of this ethnic conflict, under them it seemed as though everyone was equal. I hated them at the time - in my eyes, the social change, the abolition of the family, the labor-partnership, the childcare and dwelling associations - it was all too much, too overwhelming - but now, what with the endless declarations - at one point, my ethnicity was declared nonexistent, at another the state forcibly arranged a marriage between me and someone I had never known, at another I was forced to change my name, only to have to change it back two weeks later - and then there was the constant reorganizations, I've lost track of the number of different ministers we've had, the number of times ministries and governments and so much more have been renamed, the constant elections - I'm sorry, I've gone on a tangent, anyways, it seems much calmer, much more peaceful, than now. Then, I did not have to worry about the state reaching its hands into my life, so long as I didn't criticize the government. Until now - and I do not even know whether it will last - I had to worry both about the various nonsensical proclamations of the government and refraining from criticizing the government. And no one has any money anymore, now, corruption is everywhere - and I thought it was high under the Social Democrats! - there are constant shortages, until but a few months ago the radio constantly going on about demonic Vards, it seems everything has gone to pieces. I would give my life to see the Social Democrats back, so awful is this existence," said an individual in Kirelesile who otherwise wishes to remain anonymous.

Another, a woman in Liresile, reflected similar sentiments: "Right now, everything is chaos. I don't know what is true and what is not true, one minute they will be saying that everything is lies, and the next that everything is true; I don't even feel as though I really know who I am anymore. They keep changing my legal ethnicity, they keep changing my name, they even regulate who and who not I can share friendships or relationships with. They want to change me, I feel, and I don't think I can resist much longer. There's the economy, too, shortages everywhere, wages collapsed... At least under the Social Democrats, I was not losing myself; at least under them, you could tell when the government was lying to you. At least under them there was not all this erratic behavior. At least under them, I, we, were assured of work and bread, of a roof over our heads and genuine wages. Of course, there was the war, and of course no one liked that, it was more insane than what we have even now, but without that - paradise!"

In essence, in light of the instability of Istkalen under occupation, particularly in regards to the erratic behavior of the politicians leading the country, in addition to widespread shortages of basic consumer goods and the collapse of real wages, Istkaleners have become increasingly unsatisfied with the Republic, which they have come to view as alien, and have turned back towards Social Democratic policy, minus the general insanity at the end which they largely blame for thrusting the country into its present situation. They have chosen, now, to vote against the perceived liberalism and Western-ness of the old governments of Istkalen and for a more authentic and stable "Social Democracy."

Upon the finalization of the election results, Prime Minister Kaisa Malk gave a statement reflecting the popular mood, promising an 'acknowledgement of reality," in essence continuing Rikkalek's policies but without his desire to make concessions to 'the West' or to separate Istkalen from its Social Democratic past.

"We're all tired," she said, "of the past. Or really, hearing about it. We are told that the past was this, then that; so many different things, never the same, never even resembling each other. We are told that the reality that we live is a lie; that we must return to the past to be truly fulfilled. We have been forced to give so much away, constantly, in this vain pursuit of return to some unknown past - to change our names, to cut off our ties with those most dear to us, while being forced to forge new ones with people we, at best, barely know, and, at worst, utterly despise. And then again, it changes, and we are told that the beautiful past we were told of but a few weeks ago was a lie, and that we must now return to yet another past, perhaps imagined, perhaps not. This again, and again, and again, until we feel as though we are forgetting who we really are, as though we have gone insane. Only in October did we see anything change, and even then slowly and barely."

"Today, we together have firmly rejected this. We have thrown out those who scream endlessly about the mythical past, about so many different realities; we look, now, firmly to the future. There is no point in endlessly discussing whether I am Estonian, or Kitetois, or Heltois; whether Minister Demirkol is a Turk or Tatar, whether the Heltois nationality exists or not, whether the labor-partnership, or the dwelling or the childcare associations have any historical basis, whether the family should be restored. I speak Estonian, I believe myself to be Estonian, as do the overwhelming majority of people who share my mothertongue; the same goes with those who speak Turkish, German, Kitetois, even Helts. Most people are a member of a labor-partnership; most people are, too, are members of a dwelling association; most children are raised in the context of the childcare associations. It matters not - will never matter - whether this has been true for 'only' the past 18, 40, 100, 200 years; these are facts that the Republic must finally accept, and it will accept it without delay. There will be no more endless theorizing on this subject, there will be no longer any attempts at social engineering; the state must and will accept the reality that the people live."

"And now, let us turn from the present to the future. In Istkalen, very little is perfect - everyone can recognize that. The country was previously thought of as a conglemoration of multiple ethnicities, and that was indeed what it was. We must attempt to overcome this idea. I am not speaking of forcing people to abandon their ethnicities - no. What I am speaking of is strengthening national solidarity above ethnic solidarity. We should be proud of who we are - but we should also be proud of Istkalen, of being Istkaleners. My government will seek to develop a unified national curriculum for students, making adjustments as to allow for instructions in different languages and in the educational contexts of different cultures, that will seek to cultivate in each child a love for the country; it will also seek to facilitate interaction between youths of different ethnicities by sponsoring a state-run youth organization, as well as by running cultural activities, particularly extracurricular classes and activities including youth clubs and sports, that will seek to bring together youths regardless of their identity. Most importantly, we will seek to develop a national art, interpretable by all, sponsoring artists - a state-run renaissance of sorts, you could say."

"Economically, everyone can accept that the country is doing very poorly - a result of two barriers - an excessive opposition to machinery, and a desire to imitate the West. What those who run around claiming to represent craftsmen, without having even been elected to do so or there having been even a single indication on the part of the craftsmen that they do, must learn is that machinery in itself is not bad - it only becomes malignant when people are made to serve it, as in the West, rather than the other way around. Crafts are not made useless by the introduction of machinery to them; on the contrary, they are expanded, made more useful. With a machine, one can do much more, with speed and detail; the craftsperson is free to do more, rather than being enslaved. Our country proved this first in the 1900s, and was then left behind; what I hope to do is to let us prove it again - that the craftsman, that humanity, can master the machine and make it far more effective than it could have been when it was man's master. Other so-called 'modernizations,' however, may not be as innovative or actually modernizing. There is a trend among some to suggest that in order to advance, Istkalen must imitate the West and its economic policies, its system of industrial organization. This is untrue; imitation of the West is not appropriate in this country, where we each have duties to each other, where we view each other as people rather than as cogs in a machine. Imitation of the West is the introduction of inhumanity. Inhumanity is conflict; conflict does not build, it tears apart. Oh, the West seems developed, but in reality they have torn up something, somewhere, for all that development. They are destroyers more than creators; always remember that. What we want in Istkalen is development without destruction; true creation. We will not introduce the West and its systems; we will pay no heed to what they say. We will walk our own path, based on the path of the craftspeople and the peasant-smallholders of our nation; the path of humanity, of expression and creation."

"To speak more practically, however, there are many immediate issues, far more important than development. We are facing acute shortages even of foodstuffs; there is no raw material to be used to create. The state will seek to purchase all that is necessary, regardless of the cost; it will seek to supply every industrial worker, every craftsperson, every peasant, in this country with the goods they need to continue their work. It will seek to supply every sick person with the medication they need; every person, the food that they need to survive. The Ministry of Public Distribution, with which the Economic Coordination Committee has been merged, will be tasked with gauging the amount to purchase, with making the purchases, and with distributing what is purchased through its established network of warehouses and storehouses."

"Now, politically, there is an elephant in the room, and everyone knows what it is. We would like this elephant to leave immediately; it is making people uncomfortable with its size and stench. If it does not leave, we will be forced to remove it. You cannot force on a people a system alien to theirs, you cannot govern a people without understanding them. You certainly cannot steal from a people and expect of them gratitude! If you would like to know why you have been so poorly received, look at yourselves in the mirror. You have done virtually nothing of good for the people of this country; to us all, you are like a mass of tapeworms, parasites who will feed off of us all until we perish, at which point you and your offspring will slither from the barren lands you have created in search of a new victim. Go, go now! Your presence is unbearable; if you stay any longer, you will face the consequences."

"Now, if we are to ignore the elephant, there are still a number of issues. To many, it is tempting to install a regular democracy in this country - even I believed in such a thing for quite a while - but it is impossible. The country does not possess the requisite social structures to do so; in any case, we have already seen what even introducing part of it would do - that is, cause chaos as various crazed people who believe they have been chosen by whatever entities they choose to believe in fight over the right to govern the country. The oppositional system is too unstable for Istkalen; at the same people, we all are tired of politics. We are sick of it; it has consumed our lives since the beginning of the occupation. I do not deny that the people should have power in this country - they should and must, otherwise we risk another form of insanity which might be far worse - but they should do so through the institutions they participate in as an ordinary person - the communities in which they live, their field of work. The workers' associations and the people's committees have proven themselves able to accomplish this - unlike the national level government, which convulses crazily on a regular basis, they have retained, for the most part, their heads and the ability to reason and think rationally, while at the same time adequately representing the people. Any Republic in Istkalen must be organized based on them, not on any other institution. There will be no assemblies, no whatever, that does not derive its power from them, that is not accountable to them, in the new Istkalen."

"There is also the question of the political parties. It is good to have a place to discuss, to promote, ideas in a rational way; the issue is that they, with a few exceptions, have not behaved rationally. There is a real argument for banning them, as Kerel and Tiraki before him did; there is also the real possibility of forming a one-party state, as Melitek did, as a solution. The people of Istkalen want nothing to do with organized politics; these two paths seem the only solution. We are likely to put the issue to a popular consultation."

"Socially, in Istkalen, there are few issues. I have seen little wrong with the present course; all that is really necessary is an acknowledgement of reality on this issue. We will work to safeguard the present social and cultural institutions of Istkalen. The only major problem is that of ethnic control on certain social issues; the committee of nationalities is preparing a law on this, which will not, by my direct instuctions, not create national-level "ethnic societies" - these are divisive and will only cause further conflict - but will likely do something on the lines of creating municipality-level ethnic councils which might have control over certain aspects of criminal law, although they will be secular in nature - there will be absolutely no religious courts in Istkalen, that is a path to disaster."

"The people have spoken, and they demand normality, stability, and the acknowledgement of reality. What my government will try to deliver, above all, is all these three, so that Istkalen may bloom and prosper an independent and free nation."

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: An open letter from a Northerner

For the longest time, we of the North felt as though we were doomed. Our country was forced, by elites high on crack cocaine, into a war virtually no one wanted; we then saw ourselves plunged into an occupation, ruled by an authority that seemed not to care about how we actually lived but rather about what it wanted to force on us. They claimed to want to make the country more stable, to make it more sane, and indeed we saw some virtue in this - but in the end we saw this less as an actual attempt to help the country than to forcibly Westernize it. The Republic gave us a five-branch system; they, however, imposed on us a three-branch system. That was the first sign.

There is an alleged constitution that has been circulating, written in almost archaic language - a constitution that it is said they would force on us. It is a constitution which ignores Istkalener history to impose a constitution that seems to be directly taken from some other country - perhaps it was proposed by some radical Reitzmics in some long forgotten past. Istkalen, while not until relatively recently united, has had a long constitutional history, a rich tradition, if flawed, to draw from; the constitution that they seemed to want to impose on us, however, ignored all of this for what we believed to be Reitzmic constitutional history, Reitzmic culture. That was the second sign.

There were rumors of much worse. Of looting and raping in the countryside; of miners shot to death for the crime of protesting against the seizures. We did not want to believe it; but still, we were fearful. So many were coming forwards and saying these things, it all seemed terribly true to us all. We were fearful that it would happen to us; that the soldiers that seemed to stand at every corner would suddenly thrust themselves upon us, killing and stealing and defiling.

It was around that time that we remember the radio beginning to shout in the language of nationalism; it told us that the Vards were animals, the Reitzmics schemers. It fit with what we were hearing, but it also gave us hope - it told us that we would prevail, that we were better, that we were a chosen people, that we were protected and blessed, that the Vards and the Reitzmics would eventually fall away under our might, if we chose to rebel. It fit with what we were hearing, it assuaged us. We thought that we would not stand beneath them; the radio told us that we could, and in that assurance we were happy.

People did struggle; we sought to protect ourselves. We took hope in nonsense because it was all we had. We wore the cardboard boxes, we wore the tomato paste, we danced and screamed in the streets, because it was all the only power that we felt we could have. We had no weapons, no credible voice abroad; we had only that, we felt. We did not care about how we looked, we did not care about the message that was sent; we only reveled in the power we felt this nonsense gave us.

Things seemed relatively hopeful, then. We were still governed by the People's Committees, by extension our Republic; the occupiers did not interfere with the functioning of the indigenous police. Kerel, then Ikomar; they held genuine power, and seemed to be working as hard as they could to preserve our independence. We believed that, together, led by the Republic and fighting as we did, we would quickly prevail and be freed, and then return to our ordinary lives.

Then came the 26th of May, the beginning of hell, when fear overcame us and the country fell truly into darkness. The Reitzmic military arrested virtually all of Istkalen's politicians, major technocrats, and prominent social or cultural figures, all of whom had previously sat on the National Assembly. 739 people gone that day, artists, scientists, activists, journalists, lawyers, doctors; economists and sociologists, agronomists and biologists; even simple farmers, craftspeople, and industrial workers. THey remain in prison, six months later; everyone awaits their release. The country was left headless with their arrests. For those abroad: imagine if your parliament, along with the heads of your major trade and employers' unions, all of your most prominent artists, most of the leaders and deputy leaders of your political parties, your major religious leaders, the most educated of your country, the most prominent of your professors and scientists. and the directors and most prominent journalists and columnists of your major news media were suddenly taken into custody, disappearing seemingly off the face of the Earth. All replaced with an opaque, incompetent, foreign entity which does not understand how you live your lives, or for that matter anything about your history, all the while stealing from your people, looting your country's national resources and selling them for low prices, while you yourself feel completely helpless, terrified beyond all words.

Oh, yes, there might have been others. Not many, however; most were dead, killed by the Social Democrats, extremely ill from 18 years of inhumane detention and then death marches during the short war, or simply discredited for being collaborators. We had very few capable people at the time; and in an instant they had been carried off. Those who were left went underground; they were terrified that they, too, would be arrested. We had essentially been beheaded by the Reitzmic military.

There is no country in the world which I think would react rationally or sanely to such an event. You all lambast us for our behavior; but I ask you, would any of you have responded any differently, given the situation?

The country colllapsed into insanity; various people tried to form new governments. We ourselves took faith in the radio; we intensified what we had done. It made us feel powerful, as I said, made us feel as though we had a chance. What other option did we have, anyways, our political leadership arrested? The Head of State was the only who was still free, and he was in Spain.

We saw indirect elections in June, and our hope rose again, but not much. We expected other arrests soon; we continued as we did, trying to get them out. We had no faith in the new National Assembly; we had faith only in ourselves, in the radio and the power we thought we had.

Hope began to pick up again weeks later; the central state was trying to calm things down. It said that demonstrating our sanity was the only way to oust the J-TAI, to liberate ourselves. It was at that time that some were becoming well enough to speak and to lead - Koline, Isteresskemar, even the current prime minister. We listened again, we obeyed them again, acting against those who did not, who went and supported the occupiers. But there were issues; it was then that the erraticism also began. Changing of names, deportation, renaming of institutions, declarations of the nonexistence or existence of whole peoples - this began in that time. We were hearing news of plans for liberal democracy, for a more liberal economy. WE were scared; things were changing so quickly, suddenly, erratically, and not in a direction which benefited us.

We continued as we did, dancing and screaming. Dancing and screaming was all that we could do, as I wrote.

Then came the edicts of Koline,and that was the end. The woman was obviously going senile, so old and ill she still was; it was intolerable.

The committees revolted, and it was then that we saw the crux of our power. We thought our dancing, our screaming, our chanting and our wearing of cardboard boxes, was doing something; that now, we were seeing its fruits. We pledged loyalty to the new Imperial Realm of Istkalen because we thought it would accomplish something.

The state arrested many of us, and we rose up again. We thought they had turned on us, and we turned ever further to our dancing and our screaming and now, violence, with our bare hands. EVerything and everyone was a plot of the J-TAI to make our nation a blank slate on which they would create a new, Western nation, an imitation of their nations, just as they had had Kerel and Sepp sign blank papers on which they later wrote the terms of surrender according to their own whims.

But things were calming down by then; the EU was invited into our country, and the Reitzmics seemed to be withdrawing. The state had told us again that we were only hampering things, that we were making ourselves look insane, that we would be the ones responsible for the down fall of our nation. They used Kerel's last words as Head of State against us; they said that we had become the unthinking animals, enslaved to the radio. By then it had stopped operating, too, so there was nothing to convince us otherwise.

Slowly, we returned to sanity, and saw what we had done. We were ashamed. Who would not feel ashamed. To dance like that, frothing at the mouth, to scream and throw tomatoes; that is the behavior of the lunatics in the asylums. We are educated people, we were rational people; and yet we were reduced to that. We harmed so much, we brought the greatest shame on our nation.

But what we did was out of fear, not insanity; it was done because we were helpless. Like the terminally ill, we had exhausted all of our other options, and we had no choice but to turn to the most insane of things. The ill turn to homeopathy and naturopathy and traditional medicine, herbs and so on; we turned to religion, to curses and incantations and chanting.

We are a pitiable people, a people who indeed should be ashamed of what we have done; but do not mock us for what we have done. All we did was demonstrate to the rest of the world how humanity can be corrupted by, what humanity can become, in the face of unimaginable despair and hopelessness.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Malk, Rikkalek assure citizens that government will not change property law

In the Istkalener community, there has been significant worry about the actions that the government of Kaisa Malk may take, particularly as it has retained legislative power as a result of the continuing state of emergency. Most centered around two issues in particular: that of socialization, and that of foreign ownership.

Socialization, or rather collectivization, remains controversial in Istkalen. Most are deeply defensive of their property; any form of centralization or agglomoration, even through the forming of collectives, is seen largely as an effort to impose power on the people. The decentralized nature of production in Istkalen is doubly seen as deeply wedded to the concept of the nation - it is, to the vast majority of the population, a symbol of Istkalen's rejection of Western principles and its continued independence. Centralization of any sort, as such, is seen as selling the country's soul to the West - particularly unpopular in these times, when nationalist sentiments remain high as a result of the unpopularity of the occupation. With Istkalen now being governed by a coalition of the Agrarians, Communists, and Patriotic League, and particularly because the Communists hold nearly half of all cabinet positions, although not even a plurality, many are now fearful that they will be forced to give up their autonomy and property to a central body, as they were made to under Communist rule between 1985 and 1991.

The negative experience of the 1991-1996 period. are worried that, yes, property will be collectivized; but also that the Communists, as they did between 1991 and 1996, will accept, within these bounds, a more open market, perhaps similar to that of non-essential enterprises in the UNSR. Previously, this resulted in societal chaos, particularly because of the extent to which personal life pervades work in Istkalen, and the rapid decline of Istkalen's traditional manufacturing for new enterprises which, while democratically governed, were modeled on Western ideas of industry, negatively affecting many; there is thus little desire to repeat it.

There is also significant concern over whether the new government will enable foreign ownership. There was recently an announcement in a Vardic newspaper that has been popularly misinterpreted as the government selling parts of Istkalen's transport system to Vardic interests; while this is not entirely true - it appears merely that Vards will have a level of control, although not very much, over a joint and completely new rail system, with confusion likely arising due to the unfamiliarity of the average Istkalener with the concept of shareholding - it has provoked significant fear that the doors to foreign ownership of property in the country, presently banned completely, will be opened, allowing foreigners to control Istkalener land and introduce Western forms of industry that are likely to outcompete and force Istkalener enterprises out of business.

In response, Prime Minister Kaisa Malk, joined by Head of State Vistek Rikkalek, appeared before the public, stating that neither have or have every had any intention of allowing for foreign ownership of property in Istkalen, as well as arguing that the government would make no attempt at collectivization, and would instead pursue the socialization advanced previously by Rikkalek, where the economy serves the public but is not centrally controlled.

"We have no intention of allowing anyone foreign to own property in our Istkalen," said Malk. "Our country is ours and no one else's; we will not allow our country to be sold to those abroad who only desire it as for their own profit. They can say whatever they want, they can lie, they can throw their tantrums, but we will not let them buy up our country and then sack it. The property laws will not be changed; they are sacrosanct."

Rikkalek himself commented that he would veto any attempt to allow for foreign ownership.

"I am, have always been, strongly opposed to foreign control of our Istkalen. It is, above all, a unique country; we can still claim to be the only in the world who have broken, and continue to break, from Western industrialization for our own indigenous path. We are the only country in the world where we can truly say that there are no factories on the Western model; the last fortress which malevolent consumption and consumerism has not yet taken; the only country where we can say proudly that humanity, rather than the cold machine, has triumphed. Yes, things here are not as efficient as elsewhere; but we can produce more than enough for ourselves already - is that not enough? Must we really imitate the West, where they produce on and on and on, in wasteful excess? There is none of us who would say yes. We will maintain our independent course, and we will let no one force us onto a different path, onto their path. If we were to invite them in - what would happen? They would bring their machines, their excess, here; they would eat up our land and drown us all; and then we would be lost. It is my responsibility as the highest representative of the Istkalener people to preserve them, their independence, their ways; I will not, I will never, let this fate befall them. Any attempt will be struck down immediately, if not by the cabinet then by me. Yes, ther eare things to be learned from their ways, things of efficiency and advancement; but not their excess, not their factories - nothing of that hellish society they have allowed to be built around themselves."

"On the topic of collectivization," said Malk later, "there is no intention to begin it. Collectivization has failed in this country, it is not appropriate for it. We do not, will never, pursue such failed policies again and again; that is insanity. We, the Agrarian Union, and the Patriotic League have agreed to preserve the current system, of decentralization, but couple it with a socialization - not a direct socialization, but a socialization, so to speak, of the mind. The thinking is that we do not wish to curb independence; merely greed."

Rikkalek continued on this, elaborating on his and the government's idea of socialization.

"The idea of this socialization of the mind, as I have stated previously, has something that has always facinated me. Once I believed in the dream of collectivization; but that simply does not work, has never worked, here. We do not have the culture or even any reason for doing so. In our country we already have the institutions and the beliefs needed to create a more equal society, a better society; ll that is necessary is to strengthen and modernize them, to socialize the economy not by centralizing but rather by eliminating greed, by putting it, through new values, at the service of the nation, of the people, rather than at that of a few individuals."

The statements have largely assuaged worries in Istkalen, although there remains concern over possible reprisals, whether by Vardic forces or by the J-TAI, for maintaining the property laws, which might hamper their economic interests. Malk answered this shortly and informally later in the day, stating simply,

"They will not be able to get away with it."

Rikkalek appears to hold similar views, having been heard saying, earlier today, on the same subject that,

"If they try this they will be doomed, it is impossible, they will not succeed,"

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: We speak with Mihkel Laar and Hendrik Kõiv

In mid-2000, the collective "Meraset" was founded by college students, trying to gather interested and trustworthy individuals for the independent development of a peer-to-peer file sharing protocol, the purpose being to allow individuals to share politically "offensive" (that is, subject to censorship) documents, as well as, secondarily, others of a less pure nature, including the sharing of copyrighted materials (copyright law in Istkalen has since been so liberalized that it is effectively meaningless in the country). While not having pioneered the idea of such a protocol, and certainly not being the first to have developed such a protocol, theirs merely being an separate, indigenous effort, they have become the face, albeit unknown abroad, of Istkalen's small but growing tech industry.

"Meraset" has since expanded significantly to become a much larger collective, focused primarily on the promotion of free and open-source software and hardware, digital privacy, and the decentralization of the internet. Different sub-units of it are responsible for a number of diverse projects, including a unified protocol meant to allow for interoperability between participating social websites - that is, users on one would be able to access and interact with those on others, apparently termed federation, as well as a concept, according to Meraset itself termed alternatively a "distributed data store" or a "decentralized data store," in which individuals would be able to anonymously "upload" data to a network, where it would be stored, in fragments, across a number of users; with a key of sorts, anyone would be able to then request this information, at which point it would be retrieved from these fragments; no central server would be involved in the whole of the process. The sub-unit responsible for development of this project has stressed that the idea is not their own; that they are merely creating an implementation of it.

The collective, while less-known for this, also engages in contracting work within Istkalen, through which it makes most of its income.

Meraset is currently led by Mihkel Laar and Hendrik Kõiv, who joined the collective in 2016. Our journalist Kestalas Milresle spoke with the two today on the their work, their opinions on the general trend of the internet, and on the situation in Istkalen. The following is a truncated form of the interview conducted.

---

KM: Good day. I've already introduced myself, I don't see any point in doing it again for anyone's gratification; thus, let's get directly into it. What do you feel is the impact, the scope, of Meraset? It is not a very well-known organization, and its work seems to be very...technical in nature.

ML: We have accomplished very little that is visible. Most of what we have done, apart from some side-projects of some members , everything has been very back-end - technical, as you said - in nature. The collective developed, back in the early 2000s, a - I don't know how to describe it, it's near impossible to do so in lay terms - but it, you could say maps a network like the one we're relatively well-known for wanting to create, shows where bits of files are stored, and thus allows for them to be retrieved if requested - a terrible explanation, of course, please excuse me. Moving on, there are also some who have developed firmware - who notices that among the public? On top of that I don't believe it has been used apart from what some within Meraset and perhaps a few others in Istkalen with an interest with us sell. We have developed protocols and frameworks for social networks and messaging, to decentralize them - but again, who notices this? I believe these might have had some greater international application, but they remain very niche in terms of their usage, and even then those who actually use the applications using them probably would not even notice them. If anything, what impact we have is largely symbolic - what we have been recognized for, what most people know us even vaguely for, is our purpose, our stand against the prevailing trends, and that in itself is powerful and important.

HK. I'm not as inclined to dismiss our work as unrecognized as Mihkel is; I think, within certain communities, as specific as they may be, they are well known. There are many businesses abroad which are successful but are not recognized, and I feel that, particularly considering the focus of our work, we might belong to that same category. I think our work is also a bit more used than he thinks; there are indeed examples of a number of projects, although I am not sure as to how widely used they are, which do utilize much of what we have developed. This in itself is a success of sorts. While I don't really want to comment on our international scope - I'm not terribly well informed in that area - I believe we have, at least within our own country, accomplished quite a bit. And again, speaking about all of this, we forget about the first thing Meraset actually did, which is in fact widely used, at the very least within Istkalen, even if it is only by dint of having come to light during a time so suppressed than alternatives could not have actually entered our country.

KM: Do you think Meraset, or really Istkalen's tech industry as a whole, has a chance to expand - to become more well known?

ML: I think Meraset is in the best position it could be without renouncing its own principles; we might try to be a bit better at marketing, but even that would largely be to manufacturers within Istkalen and perhaps sympathizing individuals and groupings abroad, and would not terribly affect where we are. In regards to Istkalen's tech industry - that is far more interesting. Meraset itself, despite its reputation within those communities that know it, is relatively specialized - we don't do really flashy things, to put it concisely - but there is a lot of potential for a significant portion of the rest of tech in Istkalen. There are some up and coming collectives which are working on additive manufacturing - I know, I know, a fad, a gimmick, but for genuine industrial applications I think, if the time is taken to properly develop it, there is significant possibility - in regards to the making of machinery, particularly such things as scientific equipment which Istkalen is in shortage of; there are a few hurdles they must pass, and they themselves realize that it won't ever be a full replacement, only an aid at best, but I have faith in them; there are others working on modernizing agriculture, taking traditional techniques and merging them with the best of the technology that we have now; it's all extremely interesting and extremely exciting; the only real issue is that our country has such a horrible reputation that I doubt that they will ever be heard anywhere else.

HK: As I said before, I'm more optimistic about Meraset. I think, in coming years, people will start realizing the dangers of centralization, the dangers of the current trends, of companies like Ogo and others, and they will turn to alternatives. We will not provide them, of course, but we will almost certainly play a role in providing the technology behind them. Look at our data storage project - that could completely remake the web, make centralization not merely more difficult but also less profitable. I think we will be known; that we will see significant expansion in regards to our scope. As for tech in Istkalen - I agree completely with Mihkel. There are a lot of innovative projects, even now, born not of chance but because of the unique conditions of our nation - that it has always sought to combine its own culture, its own view towards production, with industrialization - and that, because of this, are unique and likely to have a use elsewhere, likely to be the first in a new age to come.

KM: How is Meraset unique among the companies - and of course, Meraset nor any other organization in Istkalen is really a company, but it is the closest comparison - of Europe? How is it uniquely Istkalener, let's put it that way?

ML: In comparison to the companies? By nature of its completely different aims and project. In comparison, however, to the foundations of Europe, which struggle for the same things we do? That is a more interesting question. I think we are actually fundamentally the same - we have the same aims, again, almost the same internal organization, in fact; we only differ in that we are a bit more secretive (laughs). That's not a weakness - it brings us together. Nationality doesn't divide us, shouldn't divide us; we all should be united against those who seek to mave a monopoly on information. In terms of being uniquely Istkalener - the work ethic within is a bit different. In Europe they might see it, to an extent, as volunteer work; here, as most do, we don't see it as volunteering so much as it is an obligation, something to stop it all from falling apart. There's also the fact that we aren't actually a legal organization, but there's so little difference in that regard it's hardly worth mentioning.

HK: Absolutely. But I'd also like to add that part of the Istkalener nature of our company, in regards to its organization and culture, is how loosely organized it is. People can engage in all sorts of projects, they aren't assigned to any, using the resources of the collective; they must contribute, of course, but they also receive. It's a far freer environment than I imagine exists elsewhere, and that has contributed to the amount that we have been, and will be, able to do.

KM: What is Meraset focusing on now?

ML: A lot of Meraset's resources right now are being directed towards our project regarding the storage of data; we see what is happening in Strathae, what is happening with Ogo and in particular its increased links with other tech companies in Europe, and we find it necessary to try to find a good solution to them - to find a way for individuals to be able to distribute information easily and anonymously, in a way that is impossible for any state or business to censor. It's still very much a work in progress, and has been for years; but we're confident that we will have a finished product soon enough.

HK: Mihkel is correct, but don't think that that's the only thing the collective is doing; we're still working on much else. More resources are being dedicated to it, yes; but not all. It isn't a war effort, so to speak.

KM: Firstly, the rest of the world. In the Duchies -

HK: I already know where this is going. It is unethical and borderline immoral. That a company which openly admits that its model is based on collecting as much information about individuals as is possible as to show them a version of the truth that they want to see, perhaps a version of the truth that is in fact a collection of falsehoods, is terrifying. They have, in their own country, and in many others as well, a near-total monopoly on information itself; it does not matter what they say about individuals being able to choose other services, by nature of their dominance they are able to manipulate information without challenge. They are what I feel we are opposed to - some force, motivated solely by the desire for profit, that seeks not actually to provide information to anyone, but instead to change and hide it for their own purposes.

ML: I think Hendrik has summed up most of it, but it absolutely must be highlighted that this is a company that openly and egregiously collects sensitive information, including race and sexual orientation. It is both disgusting and terrifying.

KM: Alternatives?

HK: Many. I imagine the Duxburians have troves of them; I know that in Istkalen there is another collective, "Kalet Maleter," focused on that issue - offering more privacy-focused browsing and productivity options, but they have had a number of issues with infrastructure; I imagine that they will be fixed with the end of the occupation, but even then...

ML: I don't think any alternatives in Istkalen are workable., but as Hendrik stated, there are a numberto be found in a number of other countries, the Duxburian Union I imagine in particular. I don't keep terribly good track of this issue, neither of us do, as far as I know; there are others who do that.

KM: Moving on, what do you believe the future holds for the internet - I'm sorry, the World Wide Web?

ML: Things are not very promising. In Strathae, with Ogo in the Duchies, we see an increased tendency towards a walled garden, towards the collection of data, and the euphemistic "curation of information..." - it will not be too long until we might see worse. Mass data collection, the turning of individuals into simple data points, the pandering to them, perhaps one day to sell products, another day to profile them as terrorists; and then the censorship of what states, businesses, organizations, see as subversive, dangerous. The world is marching happily on, it seems, to this dystopian world; and while we do struggle to prevent this, I feel, sometimes, that it will all be in vain.

HK: I am not terribly optimistic, either, but we have seen many begin, as I said before, to wake up to this new reality - that data collection is not necessarily for "one's own good" as many of these actors and entities want them to believe, that censorship is indeed a place where the "slippery slope" may genuinely be true. There is still some hope; and I don't believe we are working in vain, although if we do not work hard enough it is a possibility.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Tabitha (formerly Reszelport Jezebel-Swift) elected first female pope of the Catholic Church - but not the one you're thinking of

Reszelport Jezebel-Swift was declared Pope Tabitha today of the One Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church - the first female pope in its history, although it is far from the "One Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church" that most think of when hearing that name. The church in question is considered heretical by virtually all other Christians on Earth; it is the last significant remnant of Arianism perhaps anywhere. With almost 3 million baptized members, it is closer to Oriental Orthodoxy in regards to rites and liturgy, differing only in the rejection of Christ as eternal.

The church works unusually, with a general college consisting of a number of religious figures, who have wildly differing titles and are chosen in different ways - some are heriditary, some are elected, others were appointed by the former Pope, although all must have been approved by the former Pope, who had died of pneumonia after prolonged dementia.

The election itself was, at times, violently contested. The Arian Church is split into two factions - a universalist faction, which believes in universal salvation and is liberal in regards to social views and theolog; and a conservative faction, which seeks to "purify" the church, holding traditionlist views on theology and virtually all other issues. The dementia of the pope allowed the universalist faction to gain significant strength, with many universalist figures being able to ascend to high positions simply by asking the increasingly addled pope to appoint them, which he did in increasingly vague ways, before finally losing all ability to do so, at which point aides, several of which were universalists themselves, literally puppeted his body - moving his limp arms, for example, to sign documents, moving him around on palanquins and in certain cases crutches - as to continue this. Seeking to radically change the church in their more progressive direction, they sought to elect a similarly progressive pope, but could not agree among themselves who exactly should have been elected, resulting in open brawls.

Meanwhile, the conservative faction, despite its previous opposition to female clergy, including popes, united around the figure of Reszelport Jezebel-Swift, a fundamentalist who had become a member of the clergy through manipulation and outright corruption, including through the open paying of bribes, combined with blackmail and veiled threats, to the less scrupulous of the former pope's aides, who since have leaked the whole of the story to the rest of the world via social media.

While there were no formal agreements, the idea that Jezebel-Swift could become a pope caused the universalist faction to denounce female popes as heretical, despite their previous view that they were not; they also argued that even in spite of her sex, Jezebel-Swift was still a heretic, as she was a supporter of the death penalty. Comments made by some also appeared to argue that the fact that her surname is "Jezebel-Swift" would further embarass the church - to name a literal Jezebel, according to an anonymous confidante of one of the electors, as pope was a mockery of the Church. While united on this issue, however, they were still unable to unite around a single proposal, as infighting began to set in, largely over minor issues regarding a slight difference in rites.

The conservative faction, fearing in spite of this infighting that Jezebel-Swift would not become pope, at least in part due to dissent within its own ranks, moved, during convocation, to violently attack those who opposed her, including other conservatives, sending many to hospital. Remaining universalists then attempted to attack the conservatives, and failed; one then decided to, in order to delay election, light the whole of the building aflame, and this indeed succeeded, with the election delayed by weeks and almost all electors injured to some extent. During this period, a number of poisoning plots against various electors were discovered; several nurses, in one case, attempted to feed a universalist elector tea poisoned with thallium; in another case, one was found, in the middle of the night, holding a pillow over the head of a 79-year old, infirm, conservative elector.

The second convocation took place virtually, as there was little appetite for further violence, but multiple Zoombombing incidents occured despite the usage of a password, further delaying the election. At this point, a number of electors, from both the universalist and conservative factions, announced their intention to simply refuse to attend, as they argued the whole process had become a farce; they further announced that if any attempt was made to continue under the current conditions, they would split from the mainstream church and elect a pope of their own. The Church was left at an impasse, without leadership and with a growing number of electors refusing to participate in any election of a new pope, soon becoming a majority, with the whole of univeralists, a new "Reformist" faction formed of former univeralists and conservatives, and over half of the conservatives, the radicals became empowered.

The convocation went forwards, held in a tennis court, a small grouping of radicals the only who were present, and unanimously elected Jezebel-Swift pope. She took the name "Tabitha" and held a disastrous Mass, which involved the consumption of grape juice and saltine crackers during Communion, as well as extreme deviation from the liturgy, particularly in regards to the random rock bands who were invited to repeatedly interrupt the service by loudly singing and playing pop-like religious music through broken speakers, as well as by randomly interjecting to proclaim death on various people she did not like, including people who did not support Trympov and homosexuals.

Tabitha has declared an iconoclastic campaign throughout the Church, calling for the burning and destruction of icons and similar representations, which she has denounced as "idols;" she also has excommunicated virtually all the electors who did not participate in the tennis court convocation, replacing them with radical appointments. In addition to this, she has issued a number of encyclans and edicts saying that God does indeed hate certain people, particularly homosexuals, and that they must be "smited," but also centralizing power in the Church around her figure - she is now the only person with any authority to appoint any figures within the church, or to delegate this authority. More radically, she has rejected transubstantiation as a "Satanic lie," and called for an abandonment of Arianism itself in favor of a form of modalism.

Tabitha was arrested this morning by state authorities on the charge of inciting violence, resulting in a small riot that was quickly put down. While she is still the pontiff, and continues to release edicts from prison reorganizing the church and its theology, these edicts are released often heavily censored - in one case everything found itself completely blacked out. A number continue to call for her release, but these are dwindling down. Whether her papacy is actually valid continues to be heavily debated, as the Church does not have tradition giving guidance on these issues.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Mass arrests of clergy; the Pope Tabitha farce continues

The state has launched an effort to crack down on what it sees as superstition and irrationality negatively impacting the ability of the state and society to function, largely through the limiting of religion. Members of the clergy have been reduced to mere employees of the government, with virtually no autonomy; religious property has been seized and made the property of the state; even religious texts have found themselves extensively censored. Even more decentralized religions, from the Istkalener folk religion to even certain forms of Protestantism, have found themselves under the control of the state; the state now imposes educational requirements for one to even claim to be a priest or holy person of any sort, as well as an examination, and even then can still revoke this ability if it deems these holy people to have acted "irrationally."

In effect, the Istkalener state has nationalized religion. The state dictates theology, it dictates liturgy, it dictates even the smallest aspects of belief and the ways in which religious services and events are conducted. Its intention, it seems, is to merely stamp it out. Any form of religious education for children has been prohibited, and religious institutions themselves are strictly prohibited from evangelizing without a virtually impossible to obtain permit. Those in charge of enforcing and creating these regulations are almost all atheists or agnostics; while the state claims to be secular, in reality it seems more or less to have adopted a position of state atheism.

In accordance with these regulations, thousands of priests and other members of the clergy have been arrested on pretexts of either inciting violence or being mentally unstable. Those in the latter category were quickly stripped of their legal personhood by loyal judges and doctors who ruled them incompetent, before being forced into mental institutions by the dozen; those in the former category have effectively vanished, presently in jail but soon to stand trial.

"They came in the morning to our area," said an eyewitness of an arrest taking place in Milésile. "It was - oh, about 7:00 or so. Late enough that everyone could see. They went into the homes and dragged [the priests and shamans] out; they were screaming. If they did not comply with arrest they were beaten; many I saw watching were terribly bruised. One, I don't know whether if it was an accident or not, was thrown off a fifth-storey balcony. The rest were dragged violently down the stairs, by their feet, as though they were not living, trying to struggle the whole time; by the end of it I don't know how many remained conscious."

"The rest of us rushed after them; there was a morbid curiousity that we had regarding their fates. Many of their bodies and heads were cut, bleeding, skin terribly torn. Those who were still conscious tried to get up; they were beaten and kicked into the street, again and again and again until they were completely still. Those who submitted were made to strip in the open, and then they too found themselves being beaten until they too, fell over and failed, again to move. There was blood everywhere; on the police uniforms, on the pavement, on the road, everywhere. Limp bodies here and there. They were taken and loaded into several vans, and then we saw no more of them."

Other arrests were not so violent, but often at the very least entailed the usage of force.

"They hit them a little, tazed a few," said an eyewitness of a different arrest, taking place in a village, "It wasn't terribly violent, it was very peaceful, really. It was at least enough to get them all to shut up. They're all insane, you know. The priests, I mean. Blubbering and screaming about holy tomato paste or whatever other nonsense they peddle. They ought to rot in prison now."

Several priests throughout the day, who remained free, complained publically about the violence of the arrests; the state responded merely by saying that what was done was necessary as to pacify those being arrested, as they were "criminals or deranged individuals who presented a significant threat to all of society." These priests were not arrested; the only retribution was a total prohibition on all forms of public worship throughout the country for the next thirty days.

"There are legitimate concerns," said the Minister of Religious Affairs at a press conference earlier today. "What we are concerned about is not these but rather unscrupulous so-called 'holy people' using them to further their deranged ideas and incite violence. This is why we have instated the prohibition - to prevent these people from doing any more harm."

Pope Tabitha of the Arian Apostolic Church appears to have attempted to respond to this; the statement released by her has been censored heavily; while released, little information, apart from what appears to have been an eccentric endosement of modalism, is visible to the public. Immediately afterwards, Pope Tabitha was quickly prohibited from releasing any more statements of any sort, before being moved into temporary solitary confinement in a unknown location. Despite this, people are not as concerned over her as they are over the remainder of the arrests and suppression; if anything, even clergy celebrated it to an extent.

"The so-called 'pope' is illegitimate and also a heretic," said a reformist elector of the Church. "I don't think anyone in this country believes that she is the pope, or that she ever should have been considered even a possibility for becoming the pope. She truly has lived up to her name; she truly is like Jezebel in all ways. Even as the state arrests and persecutes us, it has at least had the sense to make this one good decision."

Upon the expiration of the prohibition on public religious activity, it is expected that the state will compel a second conclave to elect a new Pope, loyal to the state and its aims.