The Citizens' Voice: The Social Democratic regime
The Social Democratic regime of this year started out relatively benevolently, despite the violence that precluded it.
Meinl-Reisinger herself, who led it, was a relatively popular and intelligent figure who managed to rehabilitate the Social Democratic Party - a member of its technocratic wing, to which Kerel, among others, belonged, and beyond all its leader. While maintaining much of the corruption that allowed it to remain in office, alongside the nominally single-party system, the vast majority of the population believed that things would soon change, and saw the coup as that change.
Indeed, Meinl-Reisinger, before the first of the government statements on the 15th of April - appeared to have managed to turn around much of the country's internal division, with evident plans to establish a more non-partisan system and restore the seven-chamber "traditional" state. Corrupt officials were stamped out, many arrested; there was a general air of hope. Yet none of this transpired; on the 15th of April, the regime abruptly re-organized itself into the form of the state that the right-nationalist wing of the party desired, away from the technocratic wing that would seize power on the 18th. Statements of a disturbing and ultranationalist nature were given out, in stark contrast to the 13th of April Address by Meinl-Reisinger. Below, the chasm that lies and laid between them is clearly shown:
13th of April:
- sets out the aims of what is termed a "National Union" - a broad, non-partisan organization that is meant to somehow unify politics. Abolition of partisanship.
- condemnation of "barbaric actions" in the National Assembly; states that all involved have been "taken into custody."
- sets out the occupational unions as self-governing, democratic - names them as her greatest accomplishment - "intermediate bodies" between the state and individuals
- courts a primarily conservative ideal of the future - based upon a restoration of an old order predicated upon union/guild and national unity and a market-based economy
- sets out a plan for the establishment of cultural organizations
- sets out a preference for the seven-chamber system of organization, associated with the old and with a more democratic order - denounces the eight-chamber system, seen as corrupt
- support for a stronger welfare system, predicating itself on the ulsien and ulsikes, which are stated to be "diverse in their forms"
- courting of mildly socially progressive rhetoric, focusing on women and the LGBT+ community
- generally conservative, although not reactionary, with emphasis on a more democratic system - a center-right, possibly Christian-Democratic deviation from the ideology of the technocrats
15th of April:
- abandonment of non-partisanship - absolute worship of a single-ruler
- any idea of self-government, "intermediate bodies" abandoned - everything is below the state and the leader
- a more modernist and revolutionary outlook to a future in which nothing except for Istkalen exists
- against the existence of cultures apart from a single culture mandated by the state
- against the existence of democracy as a whole
- refusal to acknowledge anything beyond the state - everything is to be integrated it, and nothing except it is to exist
- thoroughly totalitarian and strongly anti-conservative
The change is what caused the war - a change which can be attributed to the Minister of Defense, appointed as a result of an ongoing party-struggle between the technocratic and ultra-nationalist factions. Meinl-Reisinger was forced to choose to adopt their rhetoric while secretly keeping her own platform; this, however, could not even last through the day. Meinl-Reisinger was long a drug-enthusiast; she was seen inhaling a white powder, before sitting down and seemingly collapsing in a chair. The Minister of Defense then asked her to authorize war against Reitzmag, which she did, evidently under some sort of influence.
It was after this that everything began to go downhill. Meinl-Reisinger, in a short session after this, mysteriously changed positions quite suddenly, and began to agree completely with the aims of the conservative wing, attempting to purge the technocrats she had herself put into power, leading to the 18th of April coup against her. It is believed that she was somehow convinced of the position's merits, although this remains in serious doubt.
It is this "second change," far greater than the first more pragmatic one, that is of the greatest interest. Meinl-Reisinger was certainly not a hardliner, but she was opposed to the ultraconservatives. Why she would allow them to gain any control over her is beyond anyone's understanding. The primary belief, however, is that it was presented to her as a method of revolution, through which a new society could be created - something which, perhaps under some form of duress, she possibly would have accepted.
Eventually, as is well known to us, she was overthrown and killed.
The same happened again with Kerel, who himself abruptly turned to the statist conservatism of the right-wing of the party. The reasons for this turn, too, were relatively unknown, and and it will quite likely happen with Ikomar, although he does in theory come from a different party.
We can clearly say, however, that each of these turns, so common, have one thing in common: a desire for national unity and progress National unity was a core aspect of the technocratic ideology of Meinl-Reisinger and Kerel; a core aspect of the softer conservatism of Ikomar; so too is progress. The two of these necessitate some form of authoritarianism to prosecute easily; eventually, through some form a pressure, the result that totalitarianism is needed is arrived at.
It is an inevitability, especially in Istkalen, where so much of politics was laid by what amounted to a conservative dictatorship that sought to remake society, where time and time again the main aim of the ruling party is to forcibly change Istkalen itself, destroying the old and imposing the new.
The same strand, in different people - Kales, Tiraki, and many others - repeats itself because of this. Istkalen must thus push itself away from it, into the future, if it wishes to get out of that vicious cycle.