Ilmaras Kalessed for Internal Affairs Commissioner | The Europe of Our Dreams

[Istkalen]

Dear Europeans:

I did not intend to run for a second term. As you well know, I am old, and not so long ago was on the verge of death; at the same time, in my home country, the people have demanded and continue to demand my return to national politics; there have been mass rallies and gatherings in my name, calling for me to become the Head of State. My old party invited me to again become its leader, and I was until recently very willing to accept; it was only on the very kind advice of the Héletek that I declined and made the final decision to run again for IAC.

I have sought to be active and to accomplish as much as possible. I have sought to replace inactive bureaucrats, and to improve the ability of not merely governments but also ordinary citizens to contact me. I have been as prompt as possible in answering the requests and demands of national governments, and have sought to push forwards the agenda I ran on, which I promised to those who voted for me, to the greatest extent as possible. I have indeed been condemned for extremism - and I agree in that the condemned proposals were extreme - but I ran on those proposals, and therefore needed to at least formally put them forwards in some way. I view it as the responsibility of politicians to at least make an attempt to deliver on their promises, not merely to pretend that one never made them for reaons of political expediency.

However, i must make it clear, I do not continue to support the same agenda; I have realized that it is impractical and impossible. I put it forwards, received feedback, and revised, as any rational person would do. I, however, have not yet abandoned my desire to push forwards greater decentralization and democracy in the European Union, nor to push forwards green and equitable development. I remain as committed as ever to these causes; I merely now wish to pursue them in different ways.

Here, dear friends, are my new proposals:

1. Continue work on updating the European Commission App. Development for something so complex - a veritable social network to connect politicians with their constituents - takes time, and it is necessary to be persistent lest all progress is lost. We must not, in a fit of impatience, abandon such a wonderful labor that could bring us all great benefits.

2. Maintain the petition-based system rather than resurrecting the European Assembly. The European Assembly did not accomplish anything of importance in its entire existence; there is no reason to bring it back, unless if one has a thing for useless, timewasting, and inefficient institutions. More efficient would be a petition-based system, such as that I have maintained, through which national - and perhaps even sub-national - governments could easily contact the Commission with their complaints or requests, and expect a timely response.

3. Democratize finance. In place of establishing less-efficient workers' cooperatives, as I previously proposed, the European Union should instead facilitate, where legal, the expansion of access to credit. It should finance, and, in their absence, create, national-level peer-to-peer lending networks, as well as credit and/or savings unions. In this way, we take control out of the hands of a few and give it to the many, in a democratic and decentralized way, while allowing microentreprenuers in both developing and developed societies to thrive, thereby driving development without upholding the current system of dependence and inequality.

4. Restructure and reform the European Central Bank. The ECB should play a role in maintaining economic stability not merely through maintaining the Euro but also by trading in national and corporate bonds. It should further have specific mandates - primarily, to ensure price stability and promote employment, and secondarily to ensure the protection of the environment, through trading more selectively, for example.

5. Investigate a carbon quantitative easing scheme. My intention is to establish a committee, of representatives of all national central banks or governments, which will discuss feasibility and the exact details of implementation, with a final agreement being drawn up by consensus or, in the inability to find a consensus, near-consensus.

6. Reform the European Court of Justice. Extend the term to eight months to prevent the instability that has wracked the court; end elections for all positions except that of Chief Justice, with other members, as suggested by the Constitutional Committee, being appointed from a self-nominated pool, with nominations occuring every four to eight months but selections occuring on a case-to-case basis. Require responses, in some form or other - whether to indicate that they are accepted, rejected, or still being deliberated - to all petitions, and allow, by a Council motion, new elections to be called if more than two simultaneous cases are not responded to within 60 days.

7. Discuss with national governments the possibility of giving the European Council a brief, on lines similar to individual Commissioners, with attention being drawn to the (negative) possibility of endless litigation, but with the intention of preventing the myriad of abuses of power that we have seen.

Let us stand up for a better, more efficient, and more democratic Union. Let us stand up for justice, equality, and a better future. Let us stand up for the Europe of our dreams!

With that, my dears, I sign off.

Ilmaras Kalessed

[Istkalen]

Climate and Environment

Dear Europeans,

Climate change threatens us all. We must contend with rising seas, rising temperatures, extreme weather; contend, in essence, with degradation and destruction. At the same time, we are seeing unprecedented levels of environmental destruction, with the mass destruction of fragile habitats and extinctions occuring at a rapid pace. We need a Union that is united against these issues; a Union which is willing to take decisive action.

Here, my friends, are my proposals for a robust defense against these threats:

1. Establish a "Coastline Agency," which will work with national-level ministries and agencies to aid the construction of seawalls and other mitigating measures, to preserve threatened habitats, and, if worst comes to worst, to evacuate and relocate people whose homes will be lost to rising seas.

2. Offer low-interest loans to associations and firms which are working to decarbonize important industries, particularly agriculture and steel and cement production, as well as to those working to create and expand emission-free ("green") energy.

3. Establish a carbon exchange authority as part of a greater carbon QE scheme, to be negotiated with member-states in the future.

4. Establish an Environmental Council, operating by consensus and formed of one appointment from each nation, which will designate protected areas and wildlife corridors on both land and sea.

5. Develop air quality regulations alongside the European Council and with as close to a consensus as possible, and prohibit CFCs by 2025.

With that, my dears, I sign off.

Ilmaras Kalessed

[Istkalen]

Sovereignty and Imperialism

Dear Europeans,

In our Union, there is a division between exploiters and exploited. The exploiters form a hegemonic circle, which seeks to export its own culture and economic system to all others. Through the mechanisms of power in our Union it accomplishes this, quietly forcing deregulation, quietly forcing conformity, in the name of progress and advancement. There is a need to combat this issue. The road is more difficult than it once looked to me, an arduous path, surrounded by mirages which once seduced even me - but I remain faithful that we may soon reach the end.

Here, my friends, are my proposals:

1. Strictly enforce legislation regarding agencies. Most of these, taken literally, provide for great decentralization - the issue has not been the legislation itself, but rather the way in which agency directors interpret them. I will keep a close eye over them all to ensure that they are not overstepping their mandate or the budget they have been given, as well as to ensure that they are cooperating with national-level agencies to the maximum level.

2. Continue work on the democratization of aid and research. At some point, I reached the conclusion that the only model was to structure these as cooperatives - but this is now clearly false to me. Such a path is not viable and in reality is a form of imperialism in itself. Instead of imposing my own vision wholesale, I will open a discussion with the Council on the issue, and work cooperatively to reach a model in which the self-determination and independence of nations is protected, a model which ensures maximum participation and encourages self-sufficiency and auto-development.

3. Continue work on the issue of cultural flexibility. To reach a single formula for such a thing is difficult - there are always exceptions, always loopholes which may be exploited - but I remain convinced that they may be overcome. I will formulate, clearly, my basic thoughts and ideas on the issue, which I have been collecting for the past few months, present them to the Council, and begin a discussion on the issue in order to create a functioning model which genuinely protects the cultural independence of nations.

With that, my dears, I sign off.
Ilmaras Kalessed