DEPUTIES' CANTEEN
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, NEO-VENETIA CITY
1.11pm, MARCH 23rd, 2020
Interior Minister John Dalza picked up his tray and looked around briefly, before making a beeline to a table where some of his Communist colleagues were eating. He broke his step momentarily as he scanned the five Communist lawmakers at the table, before proceeding.
"Alright?"
"I've had worse days, John," piped up the woman sitting opposite him.
"Europe, Sophia? Icholasen? I know, it's wonderful news, isn't it?"
"So good. It's like... it's like I'm finally getting a sense that our time is coming."
"Yes, well, our caucus meeting will hopefully address our direction tonight."
"Caucus meeting?"
"Yes. 7pm, Party HQ."
"First I've heard of it."
"Well, it's not the whole caucus, per se. It's invite only. You guys, frontbenchers, good solid comrades only. We're leaking far too much to the MPF."
"Leaking too much to CUNVA, for that matter. After the last meeting, Anton fucking Nesbit struck up a conversation with me about our budget priorities."
"Yeesh, Anton fucking Nesbit." John shuddered. "First up against the wall."
Sophia chuckled. "If he loves Angleter so much, why doesn't he just move there? We can deport him come the revolution."
John's face stiffened. "Hmm, well, yes. But we can't talk about these things right now," he said as he wolfed down what was left of his soup. "The MPF will have us all banged up. They're on red alert right now, if you get my drift. But yeah. 7pm. See you there."
COMMITTEE ROOM 4
COMMUNIST PARTY HEADQUARTERS, NEO-VENETIA CITY
7.04pm, MARCH 23rd, 2020
After the assembled representatives had completed singing the Internationale in Italian, John Dalza stood to speak.
"Comrades! As you'll be aware, the moment of our movement has come. We have waited over 100 years for another spark of international revolution, and it is incumbent on us to seize the opportunity. We cannot let this moment pass. We cannot let ourselves be clapped in chains like Comrade Turgenev and the workers of Reitzmag. We cannot let ourselves be bombed into submission like our comrades in East Moreland."
"As we know, elections are not due for another 12 months. Our movement, from a ballot box perspective, has been frozen in aspic since 2009. The alliance between the MPF and the forces of capital, of cultural hegemony, of press, has suffocated democracy and left it little more than a veneer. We all know the results of the elections since the end of the occupation."
John aimed his clicker at the whiteboard and clicked repeatedly.
"Hang on."
He tried again, before walking over to the laptop and changing the slide on the PowerPoint manually.
"There."

"So we cannot wait to 2021 to act. As we all know, the Parliamentary arithmetic shows that the MPF could drop us and throw their lot in with the so-called Democratic Party of Neo-Venetia at any time. They're on red alert, if you get my drift, after the revolution in Icholasen. We can't assume the coalition will last until the next election."
"It's time, if you'll allow me to use a capitalist metaph—
"No," cried out a lone voice from the assembled ranks of lawmakers. A couple of fellow deputies chuckled faintly. John shut his eyes in bemusement before continuing.
"It's time we cash our chips in. The coalition agreement hasn't changed much since 2009. We control the Interior Ministry, the Justice Ministry, and the Defence Ministry. We have significant support in the ranks of the soldiers and the police. Our detectives and prosecutors have been investigating the corruption of the MPF for years. Comrades, the time for revolution has come. I'll hand over to our general secretary to explain more. Tony?"
Tony Moscati, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Neo-Venetia and Minister for Defence, switched places with John.
"Thanks, John. Yes, comrades, it's time."
"Myself, John, and the rest of the frontbench team have decided to activate what has, until now, always been our Plan C. As we all know, after 2009 our hopes had rested with the Soviet Union. That was Plan A. Since the Soviet Union collapsed, our Plan B has been to use the electoral system to achieve power; while maintaining and building the necessary infrastructure in our institutions to either consolidate our power after electoral success, or if necessary gain power without it. That second option is our Plan C, and that's what we're pursuing now. Events in Icholasen, as John said, have brought things to a head. The MPF are, let's say, unsuspecting of anything specific, but generally suspicious."
"Now, the good news is that we've been able to neutralise, through our departments, any counter-revolutionary forces in military intelligence. We can expect the support of about half the army, especially among the rank-and-file, and most of the navy. Now, obviously, when the USSR left Neo-Venetia, they left quite a significant arms cache, much of which just happened to end up in the hands of our Red Brigades. As we know, the Red Brigades have had to train more or less in secret for the last decade, and what they have in numbers and arms they lack in organisation; but it's our belief that between them and the friendly elements in the military, we'll be able to secure military control of the country within about 24 hours."
"The other issue is getting legitimate civilian control of the state. Our trade unions will be going on strike tomorrow morning in solidarity with Icholasen, and their demand will be the recognition of the workers' government there, and sanctions on the former Whiteford regime. You've all known that for several days. What's more, the MPF know that."
"The police will be the vanguard of the revolution. They, and John, will be ordered to end the strikes. John intends to refuse and, as a pre-emptive move in case he's removed from office, a number of MPF cabinet colleagues will be subject to arrest warrants. Friendly police units will take control of a number of government department offices, including, of course, the Treasury, the Central Bank, and the offices of Radio NV and NVTV."
"On Wednesday, the full plan swings into action. Your job will be to be in the National Assembly. We need to be quorate, we need to have the numbers. The other side's numbers will be reduced and we'll ensure that Dominic is the only valid Presiding Officer."
"That's all you need to know for now. And more. Questions?"
The deputies sat in stunned silence for a few seconds, before breaking out into raucous applause.
"There's 66 of us in the National Assembly—" started one deputy.
"We'll explain on the day how we get the num—" replied John.
"No no no no, what I want to know is why there's only 54 of us here."
"Good question, Alexandra. It is vital that this plan does not leave the room. We're on an extraordinarily tight schedule as it is, and any careless talk will cost the revolution. That includes your staff, it includes your local branches, it includes those colleagues who aren't in the room tonight. We intend to be able to win in the assembly on Wednesday with 54 deputies if necessary."
Alexandra nodded. The deputies still looked mostly shellshocked.
"Right, well, I think any questions are best offered over Signal. Please obviously do not use any unencrypted means of communication to talk about this; the intelligence department is being kept in check as best as possible, but it is fundamentally a counter-revolutionary organisation. As we know, Angleter has agents all over this country, other countries do too, and they all feed into CUNVA and the MPF. The workers have many enemies, so let's keep this between ourselves as best we can."
"Now, let's all stand for the anthem of our party."
JOHN DALZA'S HOME
NEO-VENETIA CITY
10.33pm, MARCH 23rd, 2020
"Whaaaat? You're joking, Tone. You're joking, right?" exclaimed John down the phone, an animated voice squawking down the other end.
"The PM literally said that to you? That we're gone in the morning?" More squawking.
"How do they know? I thought we'd weeded them all out? I know telling 54 deputies the evening before was a risk but we had no other option. Listen, listen, listen, it's simple. We start early tomorrow, and we do in one day what we wanted to do in two. I'll talk to some people who can grease the wheels." The squawking down the other end was reduced to an audible 'WHO?'
"Leave it with me." No, leave i— it's better you don't know, OK? Get the unions on the phone tonight. Get the talk of the strike going and I'll get the gendarmes into their barracks early. MPF can't complain about that. We'll talk again at 5am. Night, buddy."