Istkalen, the Republic of

[Istkalen]

History of Istkalen

Due to the repeated attempts of regimes through the years to "rewrite' Istkalen's history, any attempt at creating one complete history is difficult, and often flawed. Little information regarding society exists before 1798; information before 1983 itself is often limited and heavily distorted, each regime through the years having attempted to destroy or modify historical or governmental documents as to create a past that gave to it legitimacy. The information below is the "official history" endorsed by the military junta between 1996 and 2002, which was temporarily adopted by the present Republic as an "official history" until being discarded entirely for a new attempt to formulate a more accurate history.

The State Terror / The Second Empire

The Terror, initiated in 1798 by Emperor Relem mere hours after his coronation, is the colloquial name for what may very well have been the first totalitarian state to have ever existed.

The Terror based itself on a distorted interpretation of the principles of the philosopher Liris, who formulated an idea of a highly ordered state, one meritocratic in nature and one that was 'organic' in its functions - that is, based on the 'harmonious' functioning of the human body. Liris's formulation involved the creation of an absolute morality, clearly defined in law, that would define all actions as either right or wrong. The state, centered around and appointed by the Emperor, thought to be the conduit of spiritual forces on Earth, would persecute all that was considered wrong. Subjects of the emperor would have the responsibility of reporting all that was right and wrong around them to a delegate of the emperor; those involved in committing that which was wrong would then be punished.

Absolute conformity, based upon the edict of the Emperor as according to the formulae of Liris, was the only behavior that was in any way right. Any form of deviation was wrong, and would be severely punished, sometimes by death. Dissent was strictly banned; a bevy of other things which were considered decadent by Liris, including music and art, were as well. Mass killings of artists and musicians, as well as the burning of their work, would continue until the end of the regime in 1910. Any kind of ornamentation was banned; those who attempted to ornament anything would be punished, again sometimes by death.

More worryingly, to show any type of partiality at all - even to, for example, treat one's young children better than strangers - was penalized. A secret police functioned throughout most of the regime to capture those who failed to conform, as well as those who did not fully report what was right or wrong during the assemblies in which subjects had the responsibility of doing so.

The state, per Liris, also functioned in a near brutally efficient way. Everyone save for the Emperor, even those closest to him - were treated as little more than resources. They were expected to contribute all that they could under the hierarchial structure of the state, organized into corporate units headed by leaders appointed by those who had preceded them, and in return, were given enough to continue to function. To not contribute well enough was considered, simply put, 'wrong' and would be punished. To not be happy with one's life was also such an offense, for unhappiness was a detriment to the functioning of the state.

The Social Democratic Party took heavily from the time of the Terror in formulating its eventual plan for governance; however, it provided a further distorting of Liris's ideas, inserting a sense of religion that was not as strong even under the Terror.

The First Republic

In 1909, the population rose up in protest against the Terror, resulting in mass killings yet again. The state secret police conducted regular kidnappings of those considered opponents to the regime; brainwashing was sometimes attempted, although for the most part those captured were killed.

Non-state public meetings were banned and a strict curfew put into place. Public assemblies - the meetings in which all wrong and right would be reported - occurred now twice a day rather than once as before. Stricter penalties were put into place for disobeying the Emperor, who had at that point served only 9 years.

Those who attempted to protest were simply killed. The protests, however, continued to grow in size; by early 1910, mutinies within the military had begun, and the movement against the Terror had become large enough as to overwhelm the state.

In March, the Emperor seemingly went mad, and began to order the execution of members of various directorates. Most of his Privy Council was executed; by his assassination in May, over 1/4 of all state officials had been jailed, if not killed, at his order.

Combined with the ever-growing protests, the state was destabilized. With the assassination of the Emperor, it fell apart completely. The Emperor's sister, Kales, who had been jailed and was due to be executed for allegedly plotting the destruction of the imperial state, was installed as Empress.

In the vacuum created by the collapse of the imperial state, elected municipal and regional assemblies were quickly elected. On the 13th of June, regional assemblies would elect a 190 member National Assembly, of ten delegates from each region. On Wednesday, 15 June 1910, it would proclaim the Republic of Istkalen, led by Premier Indrek Laul in what was to be an "ultra-parliamentary" system.

Empress Kales would move to establish a parallel government, with herself as head of state and of government. The constitution she promulgated on 3 July as to define its functions and structure conflicted greatly with the Republic; they were based on the Empress's idea of a "socialist community," which would in theory abolish hierarchy, leaving even the position of Empress as one barely more than ceremonial - a uniting figure with no actual power.

Kales's proposal was initially ignored by the National Assembly, the dominant force in the country, which drafted a constitution in January of 1911. It was held to a referendum in February, which passed 78,32% to 21,68%, with about 85% of the adult population eligible to vote and turnout at an unusually high 83% when compared to the legally precarious situation of the Assembly.

Said constitution simply confirmed the political order in the country at the time, although it made all legislative assemblies directly elected through first-past-the-post; elections to the National Assembly it (re)defined were held in April of 1911, on the 29th.

The elected National Assembly was significantly less 'republican' in political ideology than the previous assembly; delegates would, on the 5th of May, elect the 'Empress' Kales as Premier, albeit of a government that leaned towards the political left and socialism. It was, however, strongly socially conservative, as would be Istkalen, save for the Eighth, the Fifth, and, to an extent, the Fourth Republics.

Kales (Rejkalech) did not ever threaten the Republic herself as Premier; her primary work was the creation of a program of radical social and economic reform, which has endured to this day, which would give almost full control of the economy to workers and the delegates they would elect, 'de-emphasizing' the role of directorates, re-naming them 'unions' as with the new organizations through which the economy would be organized, to give them what was little more than an advisory role - approved by the Assembly in August of 1911. The seven state chambers, organized on occupational lines, were re-created on so-called 'republican and modern' lines, having been abolished in 1798, as a part of these proposals.

The Fourth Empire

In February of 1912, the Republic was abolished by vote of the National Assembly, and the monarchy restored, with Kales as Empress. Governance continued regularly, continuing to lean left until 1973, long after the abolition of the monarchy.

The economic growth of the Terror continued under the Republic and the Restoration; the country was in theory among the most developed and wealthy in the region.

The Second Republic

In 1946, what amounted to a coup, orchestrated by the National Republican Party alongside members of the military, occurred, abolishing the National Assembly and the position of Empress and establishing a republic under a Head of State elected by the seven state chambers. Parties other than the National Republican Party were in theory banned, although most continued to exist, informally and were tolerated, if not openly accepted, by authorities.

The leadership of the National Republican Party continued to pursue the economically leftist policies of the Republic and the Restoration; however, it also had a program of modernization, which involved the Romanization of the written forms of the five languages of Istkalen, the imposition of controls on religions, a policy of state atheism, and centralization of state functions.

Politically, the country was softly authoritarian. While oppositional political activity was generally tolerated, restrictions on publications and artistic products, through the state chambers, would exist throughout the period, although most of these were mild in quality. In theory, no organizations could be created outside of state control - generally enforced, save for political organizations.

The period of National Republican rule, known as the "National Resurrection," continues to leave Istkalen divided politically to this day.

The Third Republic

In 1973, the period ended, ushering in a period of highly unstable democracy. Economic stagnation prevailed; between 1973 and the end of the democratic period in 1983, there were a total of 86 governments, with elections being held an average of three times a year due to the repeated formation of hung parliaments.

The Fourth Republic

In 1983, Premier Ayros Tiraki seized power in a self-coup. Tiraki re-organized the state into the seven-chamber system; however, she would exert great control over their elections, through the Court of Examination and the Censorate, which she made semi-political appointments to. The chambers were from that point on elected by the unions under them; elections to the unions were restricted by the Court of Examination and Censorate to the point that political activity was effectively halted. Politics became technocratic in nature, although Tiraki held an absolute veto. Organizations outside of state control were banned entirely; Tiraki wanted all activity to be organized through the occupational union and chambers. Despite this, Tiraki strongly believed in the concept of duty in the context of Istkalener republicanism, and thus restored it, demanding that all citizens debate the merits of her regime, albeit through the unions and chambers - to do so outside was, again, a crime.

Economically, Tiraki attempted to abolish money and organize all consumption and production through the unions; a system of rationing was put into place as to uphold the system. The country continued to engage in limited trade during her two-year rule, although it was largely isolationist. Little economic data is available from the time, although most who lived through it found it comfortable and stable.

Culturally, Tiraki acted as a patron of the arts and of education, resulting in a massive expansion of artistic output during her rule. No actual restrictions existed on art, although some did on news media, which was held to a strict standard of impartiality.

Tiraki's rule, despite its authoritarianism, is looked upon generally favorably, as a time of stability, economic growth, and cultural development.

In 1985, the Party of Labor, the communist party in Istkalen, seized power in a coup, coming into a role similar to that of the National Republican Party - that is, as the dominant party in a state that, while mildly authoritarian, allowed relatively wide scope for political expression. It returned to the economic and political system of before 1973, while at the same time undertaking progressive reforms into society, including the passing of new, almost revolutionary, family laws, as well as an attempt to abolish marriage and replace it with a system of cohabitation. In its most radical move, it attempted to move responsibility away from the family by establishing collective canteens, nurseries, and laundries, while at them same time expanding the general scope of the educational system in Istkalen, as a part of an expansion of the greater welfare state, which in its last years guaranteed housing, food, and education to all. The Fourth Republic under Tiraki had attempted these things on a smaller scale, but was never able to reach the success of the Fifth Republic.

It would also further reduce the role of the 'advisory' unions, giving a large portion of what remained of their powers to the state chambers and occupational unions, although they continued to have a prominent role in politics.

The Party of Labor was an oddity among communist parties of the 1980s and 1990s in its social progressivism and general deviation from Marxist theory, at one point, in 1989, in fact disavowing the ideology. Politically, it was isolated, refusing to associate either with the capitalist or socialist blocs of its time. Declaring itself "non-aligned," it attempted to engage in trade with both, to limited success; after 1991, it would become near-totally isolated , resulting in mild economic decline as the country attempted to re-align itself on autarkic lines.

In 1996, mass unrest, which has been exaggerated by some, resulted in the fall of the Party of Labor and the establishment of a military junta. No elections would take place under the junta; all political positions would become appointed by the various ministries. The country attempted to re-engage with capitalist nations, to mild success; the economy began to grow again. Most of the economic and social policies of the Party of Labor government would continue, although it would reduce the scope of the welfare state. Housing and food, for example, were no longer free, although both were heavily subsidized. Education and healthcare, however, did remain as such.

In 2002, the junta held elections to the seven state chambers, and handed over power to a civilian government. The government - a coalition of the three parties which had led the country in the past - the Movement for the National Community (the dominant party under the constitutional monarchy and the first Republic), the National Republican Party, and the Party of Labor - would take power, again continuing previous economic policies.

The First Federation, also known as the False Republic

The Social Democratic Party, at this time, the successor to the Grand National Movement, a far-right party, began to exert its power over the country. In 2003, it staged a terrorist attack which resulted in the death of essentially all those who made up the legislature, the executive, the judiciary, the national Censorate, and the Court of Examination, before pushing for new elections, which it rigged through box-stuffing, voter intimidation, and bribery.

The Social Democratic Party reformed the constitution as to benefit itself; it also dismantled the welfare state and replaced it with a universal basic income; while attempting to forcibly deindustrialize certain sectors of the economy while re-organizing those which remained industrial in nature in a way as to make them extremely inefficient. This resulted in general economic decline, which continued until, in 2010, it allowed technocratic advisors into certain positions, resulting in slight economic recovery, which continued until it pushed forward its "Plan for National Rejuvenation' in 2021, which resulted in Istkalen's occupation by Reitzmag and Vayinaod.

The Fifth Republic

A technocratic government, made of the non-partisan advisors appointed by the Party as to combat general economic decline, was formed, and interim elections were held; however, both remain largely non-functional.

The state underwent multiple re-organizations; in the end, many of its advisors were dismissed entirely, replaced with new appointments,

The Sixth Republic

WIP

[Istkalen]

Nationality and Class in Istkalen

Istkalen is divided into three major nationalities - the majority, or the Veskelles; the Germans; and the Turks.

The Veskelles form roughly 79% of the population, and are divided further into three distinct groups based partly on occupation which each have a distinct culture and language of their own. The difference is pronounced enough that most Veskelles, with the exception of children, who are without occupation, do not identify firstly as Veskelle, but rather as members of these groups. Veskelles of the age of majority who identify firstly as Veskelle form perhaps less than 1% of the total population; virtually all do so 'involuntarily' - because they are unable to become members of any of the three classes, and thus are "outside of the system." In spite of this, Veskelle identity is still celebrated by most; it is just merely generally considered a secondary, rather than a primary identity.

They are united by common heritage and language, although few Veskelles actively speak the latter, with the exception of the Heltois, choosing only to do so when they must communicate with those outside of their class.

Prior to the 1930s, the Veskelles were united as the lowest caste in society, of workers and peasants; the prolonged economic depression and civil war that raged from 1931-1946, with recovery and a continued insurgency lasting until 1973, unexpectedly upended this system, pemitting them much greater social mobility and putting an end to the caste system that had prevailed beforehand.

"Germans," a mixture of the residents of minor Arian tributary states that were annexed into the First Republic of Istkalen upon the revolution overthrowing Relem II of Istkalen, as well as the German-speaking descendants of exiles of Germanic, but not German, peoples who lived in Istkalen proper and were driven out by Relem, are effectively two nationalities. Making a total of 10% of the population, 60% of them fall into the second category, and 40% in the first. The Native Germans, however, are, again, virtually all farmers, or professionals (largely folk-doctors and clergy), and effectively live in the Middle Ages, as successive governments allowed the Patriotic Front and its predecessors to rule the region in which they lived with impunity for the terrors that they enacted. Only 3% of them are literate; none of them have access to electricity or sanitation. Western medicine is absent in the region; so-called doctors continue to operate on the theory of humours. Until the invasion, political and civil rights in general were nonexistent; women were not allowed to leave their homes without the permission of their husbands (paradoxically, most of the leaders of the Patriotic Front were and remain women), had to wear veils and non-revealing clothing outside, and could not work; homosexuality and "deviant expressions" were punishable by stoning; witch burnings were also a common occurance. 100% of the population of native Germans are Arians, partially because of the terror used by the Patriotic Front in its continued rule over the region. Part of the region was forcibly modernized as to allow for uranium extraction by the Social Democrats; this area, however, was settled mostly by Kitetois, and, while ruled by the Patriotic Front, fell away from them after a revolution which coincided with the invasion. The Reitzmic government attempted to annex a part of the undeveloped portion of the former Arian states; this was resisted by the government of Istkalen due to concerns over national integrity and the possibly violent response of the Patriotic Front to it.

"Turks" form 10% of the population While not as deprived of representation as the more isolated Germans, restrictions remain on education, which has led to Similarly to the Germans, they originate from members of a heretical religious sect who fled persecution, arriving eventually in Istkalen, and exist "outside of the system." However, they are generally far more culturally and socially integrated than the Arian Germans, generally attributed to attitudes of secularity that have prevailed since a "cultural revolution" within the community that took place throughout the 1970s and 80s.

Turks are generally perceived in the modern day as forming an urbane, cosmpolitan intelligentsia, who are half-integrated into society, with membership in the workers' associations, but not entirely, continuing to possess a distinct culture of their own.

The Kitetois, Irdetois, and Heltois are the three "classes" into which the Veskelles are divided.

The Kitetois are closely related to the Irdetois . Prior to the Social Democrats, and with the exception of the Tiraki-Communist period of 1983-1996, most were impoverished peasants who had little political power or autonomy, and were effectively controlled by the central government, which claimed to own all land in the country, with only control being given to citizens for a fee. While largely autonomous, most of their work was forced by taxation in kind, which often was high enough to take up to 80% of their product, leaving them with virtually nothing, barely enough even to feed themselves. The Kitetois continue to "hold" affinity for the land - most own small allottments in the modern day - but are more dispersed through different fields of work now, as are virtually all other peoples in Istkalen. Government policies for a short period of time, particularly under Ikomar, sought to promote their position as a dominant ethnicity, a reflection of a general desire for revenge among many of them. Under previous governments, they were either considered Heltois (under the Social Democrats), or Heltois were considered a part of them (under virtually every other government of Istkalen). As stated previously, while the Kitetois are considered an ethnic group, they functioned in many ways up until the Social Democratic takeover as classes; they were limited to working in agriculture, but could find their way upwards through marriage or by renouncing their identity as Kitetois and "becoming" that of another "ethnicity," or class, which usually involved prior education or prior integration into another community. In the modern day, they form 41% of the population.

The Irdetois of Istkalen are alleged to be the descendants of invaders from the first or second centuries AD, gaining a separate identity from the Kitetois after urbanization, which began changes in language and culture that became increasingly more significant with time. While they have not historically been connected to the land, most, as the Kitetois do, hold minor allotments, and themselves find this as a mark of ethnicity. Like the Kitetois, they became more widely dispersed over occupations after the rise of the Social Democrats; unlike them, however, they possessed greater autonomy, as well as political power beforehand, and were largely independent economically, similarly to how virtually all producers in the country are now. However, they, save for a short period after the fall of Relem, never held significant political power, particularly in comparison to the Heltois; under Ikomar, persecution of them rose to its maximum, with a large number, particularly of the Estonian intelligentsia, slated for deportation. LIke the Kitetois, until the Social Democratic takeover the "ethnic group" was more or less a class, with it corresponding to a socioeconomic strata, with movement possible between the Irdetois and Kitetois "classes." In the modern day, they form 33% of the population.

The Heltois ar the indigenous people of Istkalen. Traditionally forming Istkalen's clergy, landowning, and administrative class, they were, until the Social Democratic takeover, Istkalen's governing class, with a monopoly on political power. The zenith of their power was the Relemian period, when, after instability caused by rebellions of the Estonian-majority craftspeople as well as of the Kitetois-majority peasantry against the system, they established a dictatorial state which regimented and remade society as to further industrialization, forcing their language on the people of Istkalen and enforcing new communal ways of life in an attempt to uproot the traditions of others, largely successfully. In the modern day, most of the Heltois, with the exception of those involved in politics, who are few, have rejected their past, largely condemning it, and have largely sought to integrate with the rest of society, although they have held to their own traditions just as the rest. Parts of the population, particularly the Kitetois, hold ill will towards them, but this number has rapidly declined, particularly because of the excesses of Ikomar in regards to his treatment both of them and of the Estonians. They make up roughly 5% of the population.

The remainder of the population - 1% - are national minorities - Tatars, Lithuanians, various Germanic peoples, and various Finnic peoples.

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

Economy of Istkalen

(WIP)

The economy of Istkalen is developing, largely dependent on agricultural and mineral exports, with industry, albeit mostly handicraft and light industry, playing a role. There is a significant emerging service sector, growing largely due to lowered demand for unskilled labor in rural areas, as well as higher demand for such labor in urban areas, primarily in the retail sector. The "information" sector is also prominent, and is more well-established than the service sector, but does not contribute to the economy as significantly as other sectors.

The country's economy has stagnated in recent years, largely due to mismanagement, and is expected to decline significantly this year. In particular, agricultural output in 2021 is far lower than normal; while the country was previously able to narrowly get by with what it produced, while at the same time being able to export, produce is now far lower than what is necessary to sustain the population on mere survival rations. Mineral extraction has also ground to a virtual halt; virtually all remaining extraction does not contribute to Istkalen's economic output, as it is conducted by the Archrepublic of Vayinaod and the Kingdom of Reitzmag. The light and handicraft industries, without the necessary materials deriving from agricultural and mineral produce, have also collapsed. Supply chains have also been severely disrupted by the destruction of major transportation arteries, several of which remain damaged.

Prior to the invasion, Istkalen's primary exports were uranium, iron ore, cobalt, various rare earth metals, lumber, and agricultural products , particularly potatoes and other similar indigenous root vegetables, although cereals and poultry were also a significant component. The country also exported, to a lesser extent, light industrial products and handicrafts such as paper, textiles, glass goods, and leather goods. A small amount of steel was also exported; however, most was reserved for domestic use. Its primary imports were refined metals, including steel, cereals, other agricultural products, particularly fruit, and machinery, particularly agricultural machinery.

Industrial productivity in the country is low. A significant portion of its industry is handicraft in nature; light industrial plants, which also exist on a significant scale, often have no or little division of labor within them, which in many cases hampers production. Agricultural productivity, particularly outside of the cities, also lags behind the rest of Europe, although not as significantly as in industry - this has been attributed to the dominance of smallholdings (the average plot size is about 3 hectares). A significant percentage of the crop is also consumed by their growers, although this has reduced as time has progressed. While what is produced is under normal circumstances enough for the population and some export, there are often visible shortages within the country, coupled with prices that are on average significantly higher than elsewhere. In order to prevent "foreigners" from taking advantage of this, successive governments have imposed virtual bans on the importation of a number of products, as well as high tariffs on many others.

The country's economic output is largely decentralized. While there are significant concentrations of the population in certain areas, particularly Kirelesile, in reality industry, apart from heavy industry, is decentralized and spread throughout the countryside, as is agriculture and forestry. Cities are mostly self-sufficient, and consume virtually all of their economic produce, although they are largely developed, housing most of Istkalen's "modernity," including attempts to fuse traditional handicraft industry with modern industrial techniques, as well as collective agriculture.

The country generally exports in the summer months and imports in the winter. Throughout the summer, the country is able to export its primary good - agricultural products - as most of the population is employed in agriculture. In winter, however, as agriculture becomes impossible, the population will temporarily transition from agriculture to other industries, particularly light industry, crafts, construction, and mining. The demand for raw material increases accordingly, eventually requiring importation - largely unnecessary during the summer months.

Most businesses in the country take the form of cooperatives, which are termed "collectives," "dual proprietorships," which arose by consequence of the development of the "partnership of labor" under the Social Democrats, and "sole proprietorships." Family businesses are nominally permitted, but the family, largely as a result of Social Democratic rule, barely exists in Istkalen anymore. These different ventures are organized through municipal trade organizations, which demand of their members various duties in production, and cooperation in the accomplishment of these duties. The trade organizations are further organized into broader national "people's syndicates," which themselves demand certain duties in production and cooperation from the trade organizations to implement plans set out by local, regional, and national "Congresses of Producers." This has been criticized as inefficient by a great number of economists; Istkalen's government argues that it is traditional and allows for a greater dignity and equality than any other system existing in Europe at this time.

[Istkalen]

Industrial Organization in Istkalen

Industrial organization in Istkalen closely follows the organization of society. The country is highly decentralized in this respect, particularly because of land reforms conducted in the late 1700s and the early 1900s which distributed land previously owned by the state, or rather the Emperor, to individual peasants.

Workers are organized first into "labor partnerships," or "partnerships of labor," composed of two individuals. This arrangement originated in the late 1990s, as a result of extreme crime and instability that made individual work outright dangerous. In the context of industrial organization, the two members of a "labor partnership" are effectively one; they are contracted or find work as a partnership, not as individuals, are expected to make decisions as a group rather than as individuals, and are expected to produce as a single unit rather than two. Partnerships may contract each other freely - for example, a metallurgist might contract steelworkers under certain scenarios; consumers, too, may contract individuals - a doctor to care for them, for example, or a craftsperson to make or repair some good. Contracting of this nature makes up the vast majority of the urban economy.

In agricultural work, contracting is not as prominent between workers and consumers, for clear reasons; agricultural producers will largely set the amount they produce themselves, although limitations and requirements are imposed by higher bodies. Most also seek to be self-reliant, seeking to refrain from contracting others to labor for them, although it is occasionally done. Collective but informal and usually voluntary labor is used to maintain larger infrastructure needed to sustain agriculture.

Most mines are organized as collectives, where labor-partnerships will enter and be assigned a role by a general assembly of all workers, or in extraordinary circumstances the "head" of the mine, who is usually, but not always, elected by the assembly. They do not employ individuals, instead opting to integrate them into the collective itself - a result of the often seasonal nature of mine employment The same applies to factories, particularly in heavy industry (light industry is largely craft-based in nature) although the system only arose after the abolition of the apprenticeship system; unlike mines, however, factory-collectives will occasionally contract others to work under the collective.

In light industry, contracting and informal relationships are dominant; workshops will often be constructed near or next to each other in related industries, in some cases within the same space. A machinist, for example, might have their workshop or workspace in a greater manufacturing compound, and send completed parts to another, contracted workshop for use in the creation of a larger product. This is largely an organic replication of the factory system, differing only in its partial rejection of the division of labor (division of the type described is only really practiced in the manufacture of more complex products, particularly electronics), as well as in its relative decentralization, which is criticized for inefficiency but also praised for being more humane.

In previous years, individuals in Istkalen could be formally employed. Prior to 2003, an apprenticeship system allowed individuals to directly employ great numbers for extended periods of time; this was, however, abolished by the Social Democrats and replaced by a system of state-administered vocational education involving work for the state, which plays a minor but noticeable role in Istkalen's greater economy.

"Partnerships of labor" are directly organized into ward-level "workers' associations," whose purpose is to organize the distribution of property and ensure broad social welfare. These organizations allocate capital and hold most productive property in the country, which they are responsible for lending to individual workers in exchange for a portion of the product, previously predominantly collected in-kind but now increasingly in financial forms. Corvee duties were previously organized through these associations, but were abolished under the tenure of Kalju Ilves. They also, however, exist to organize much of Istkalen's expansive welfare state, managing many of the "new" universal services that were introduced with the occupation, from public canteens to childcare.

Workers are also expected to render certain duties to the greater "workers' association" to which they belong; they must, when operating independently outside of public and state duties, hold to specific principles set out by it, particularly in regards to the methods which they use and the fees and prices they impose. However, they also defend and represent their members, particularly in regards to contracting and in matters of state.

[Istkalen]

This post is deleted!

[Istkalen]

Heads of State of Istkalen since 18 April 2021

Name	Position	Political Affiliation	Term	Cabinets
Ilest Kerel	Head of State (republic)	Unity (far-right)	18 April 2021 - 5 May 2021	n/a (presidentialism)
Liros Ikomar	Head of State (republic)	Radical Democratic Party (center)	5 May 2021 - 11 September 2021	presidentialism, Rikkalek
Vistek Rikkalek	Head of State, Chairman, Héletek (republic)	Green Party (center-right), People's Association (center-left), Liberation (far-left)	11 September 2021 - 1 September 2022	presidentialism, Malk I, directorial rule, Ilves I
Yasemin Demirkol and Kondres Uklertal	Co-Presidents	Union/Progress (center-right) and Social Democratic Party (center-left)	1 September 2022 - 23 January 2023	Ilves I, Uskeled
Ursula Orlich	State Protector	non-partisan	23 January 2023 - 29 May 2023	Ilves II
Makketis Mindrestek	President of the NSC	non-partisan	29 May 2023 - 30 June 2023	Ilves II
Lance Kareskenet	Head of State	non-partisan	30 June 2023 - 26 July 2023	Malk II
Itani Virkoknas	Head of State	non-partisan	26 July 2023 - 9 October 2023	Ikoszer, Oskon
Ilmaras Kalessed	Head of State	Agrarian Union (left-wing)	9 October 2023 - 9 October 2024	Oskon, Orlich, Íkrat I, Íkrat II
Ursula Korhonen	interim Head of State	Agrarian Union (left-wing)	9 October 2024 - 31 December 2024	Íkrat II, Íkrat III
Lauri Laakonen and Veia Veivet Iveva	Co-Presidents	Statebuilding Party (center-left) and Agrarian Union (left-wing)	1 January 2025 - present	Íkrat III

Governments of Istkalen since 12 February 1912

Name	Constituent Parties	Term
presidentialism under Kerel	Union	18 April 2021 - 5 May 2021
presidentialism	Union, Radical Democratic Party	5 May 2021 - 22 July 2021
Rikkalek	Communist Party, Agrarian Union, National Republican Party, Radical Democratic Party, Patriotic League	22 July 2021 - 30 November 2021
Malk I	Communist, Agrarian Union, Patriotic League	30 November 2021 - 14 January 2022
presidentialism	Agrarian Union, Patriotic League	14 January 2022 - 1 February 2022
directorial rule	People's Association	1 February 2022 - 15 May 2022
Ilves I	non-partisan/Social Democratic, Agrarian Union, Union	15 May 2022 - 28 November 2022
Uskeled	Communist, Social Democratic, National Republican	28 November 2022 - 23 January 2023
Ilves II	Communist, Social Democratic, National Republican, Liberation	23 January 2023 - 30 June 2023
Malk II	National Repubican, Agrarian Union, Liberation	30 June 2023 - 26 July 2023
Ikoszer	Social Democratic, National Republican	26 July 2023 - 29 September 2023
Oskon	Social Democratic, National Republican, Liberation	29 September 2023 - 11 November 2023
Orlich	Communist, National Republican, Statebuilding, Farmer-Green, Agrarian Union, Union	11 November 2023 - 20 March 2024
Íkrat I	Communist, National Republican, Farmer-Green, Republican Syndicalist	20 March 2024 - 15 June 2024
Íkrat II	Communist, National Republican, Farmer-Green, People's, Statebuilding, Radical Democratic	15 June 2024 - 31 December 2024
Íkrat III	Communist, National Republican, Statebuilding, Democratic Movement	1 January 2025 - present