News Media of Istkalen

[Istkalen]

(OOC: Propaganda)

Istkalen Information Service: the Commission for the Abuses of the Occupation receives several disturbing testimonies

The Commission for the Abuses of the Occupation officially is in session, opened by the Head of State. The organization is meant to investigate potential abuses of the Reitzmo-Vardic Coalition in Istkalen; for this purpose, it called over 25 alleged witnesses and victims of brutality. Their reports were beyond shocking; many expressed worry that they would be killed for what they had said. Their identities were kept secret; even without a face and voice to put to them, their words have caused so much outrage and fear that the whole of the nation is in an uproar.

Excerpts from these testimonies are below.

WITNESS 048

"[The Reitzmic army] entered my village on the 18th of April. We had formed a committee beforehand; we were told to greet them. They were liberators, they said. We believed them. We were all mistaken. None of them were trying to trick us, mind you - many of them suffered the same fate. We were standing there, on a hill, shouting for them to come, waving, holding hastily-made banners celebrating their arrival. They did not care. When they came, they told us - the women - to separate and to go into the village square. I looked behind as we were being marched there; they were doing something similar to the children. I think the men were told to return home, although I'm not entirely sure."

"We followed their orders; we lined up in the square just as they told us to. They looked at us with greedy eyes, lustful eyes. I was scared; we all were scared. Someone tried to run; they shot her in the leg. She fell down, screaming, blood spilling onto the square; a soldier went up to her and - well, I can't say. She screamed; we all watched. We could not turn our heads; we were horrified, transfixed."

"They did not do it to us until the soldier was finished. The poor woman was screaming, crying; what monsters they were! No matter; they did not care about her. They turned to us, the soldier dressing again. They addressed us as [removed]. Then they threw themselves on us. I don't want to go into more detail; it's too much. Please.

But it ended; we were allowed to go home, crying. My children were returned a few hours later. Others were not as lucky. The soldiers would come again occasionally; they would threaten us all. We left on the 30th, crawling through the fields. We didn't know what they would do to us if we were caught."

WITNESS 033

"[The Reitzmic army] came on the 20th. They left us alone, for the most part, although there was a curfew. But they were allowed to do whatever they want. No one could close their shops; they would be taken if they did. They had to keep them open; the soldiers would sometimes come and rob them. They were not to demand payment; if they did, they would be taken. We had to leave everything available for them, basically. On the 23rd, they told the women to go to the central square. I am non-binary, so I assumed that I was not to do so. So I went to the market, and some of the soldiers were there. They asked me why I wasn't at the square. I said that I was non-binary. They told me that I was mentally ill, and marched me there. They brutalized us; I don't want to say anymore. They violated us; they treated us not as human. The one who did it to me kept shouting and hitting me. I don't; I didn't; know what to do. I tried to leave the following day. They took me and again did the same. We were supposed to be open to them, as payment for what we did to their country. I kicked them; I tried to run away, barely clothed. They shot at me; I kept running, and running. Eventually I collapsed; I was found, taken to a hospital in Liremer. I was safe there, or safer. But I don't want to go back, I can't. I don't want them to get me."

WITNESS 018

"[The Reitzmic army] occupied the town on the 22nd of April. We were lucky, I guess, for them to come so late. But they were worse, I think. They ransacked the whole of the town for three days. They took everything valuable - from the temple, from the union halls, from the schools, from even our own homes. They took everything that was gold or diamond especially. They then went for the stores. They had priority; they could take anything they wanted, without paying. The same soon applied to our homes; they would come in, take spoons and things like that - silverware, mostly - and then go out. It got very bad after the same began applying to our bodies. It was all some sort of retribution, reparation, for the war. But we didn't start it; why do we have to pay for it? They didn't harm me, thankfully, and every day I look to the heavens and thank God that they didn't; but they did so to many of those I knew; that I know. It was difficult to leave; I went out in a secret compartment of a car that one of my friends had - he worked in the city, for that he was allowed to leave."

"It's interesting to me, however, that they don't do it in the cities. Maybe it's because if they do it there, it would get out much more quickly. Who knows?"

---

The vast majority of the 58 testimonies delivered today describe events taking place in the countryside, where communication is significantly more limited. Those taking place in urban settings, significantly more crowded, generally occur in the evening or in the morning; however, most begin in public areas. Some of the more disturbing aspects, including looting, however, while significant in the countryside, are not reported at all in urban areas, although one witness claimed that he had been robbed at gunpoint by Vardic soldiers, while another claimed that they had been forced into labor at a metalworking plant by the same.

They remain, however, consistently brutal and horrifying, evidence of mass atrocities by the coalition in Istkalen.

[Istkalen]

Northern Radio: Get out while you still can - it is to begin soon

Popular music plays, and is suddenly interrupted.

The Northern Radio has an announcement to make. It is to begin soon. Get out, get out! They will soon close the path, we tell you; and then they will turn their guns against us!

How many of us will perish in the coming days? We do not know; they will kill many of us, as to break our spirit, so that we may serve them forever. So that they may carry out their demonic Hampton Declaration and its Addendum; so that we may be wiped off the face of the earth.

What they have done in the villages will be repeated. The road out will be cut off; we will be pushed into a prison without walls, but one in which we are still trapped. And day upon day, they will torture us and make us do their bidding, as their reparation. They will never be satisfied. They will slowly crush us, in their perverse, sadistic desire, make us do their bidding forever. Slowly, slowly, into eternity. For they get off on suffering; they want to see us suffer forever.

That is why they did not wipe out the villages. Many died, shot as they tried to run from the hell on Earth that they had created. But they did not kill everyone. They could never do this, as much as they might want to, for it would deprive them of their playthings. Yes, playthings - that is how they think of us. They loot our stores, our farms, our mines; they violate our people again and again without remorse, gleefully.

The children scream in the fields as they torture them; they go on. Not a tear falls from their eyes; they go on and on and on.

Those in the cities, in the villages in the interior have been safer. But we tell you, it will begin everywhere soon.

We already have gotten a taste of what they will do. We remember the howitzers firing on our towns and cities, undefended and without military presence. We remember how our homes, for those on the outskirts, were ripped apart; we remember the bloodied children, the bloodied elderly, being carried out, twitching, gaping holes in their bodies, the firing continuing without remorse. The innocent falling in the streets as their anthem blasted. The fires, for those in the mountains, as they fell, again and again, on the fields and the houses, everything going up into flames, for no reason.

That, again, soon, again and again, with the endless rape of our country.

Are we fearmongering? No, certainly not. We have seen the destruction they wrought on the innocent at the end of the war; the voices of the tortured women who they violated. The Northern Radio has found that they are planning to do this again. Everyone knows that they are capable of this and much worse; so get out. You know that they will close the borders, the airports, soon, and kill those who try to run.

Oh, of course, our People's Committees, our National Assembly, our Head of State, they will protect us! No. They are not strong enough; they will be rounded up and killed. The occupiers do not tolerate resistance.

And then? The end, the apocalypse!

Run for your lives, we tell you, run for them. Through the fields, across the rivers, anywhere outside of this country and the occupying nations! It will be painful, heartbreaking, but the alternative is far worse.

Do not let anyone stay; you do not know what the occupation will do to them. Save them; save everyone. Drag them away, if you have to; but save them. No one can be left in the country if our people are to survive.

The message repeats.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: The crackdown on the Northern Radio continues; the National Assembly discusses its own abolition

The Northern Radio, broadcaster of racism and paranoia extraordinaire, continues to struggle on despite efforts to shut it down fully. Now a loose network of illegal stations, its audience has collapsed massively, as a result of its now greatly reduced range as well as government efforts to combat its bizarre propaganda, which posits that the Coalition plans to enact a genocide and that Vards are little more than animals.

Today, however, major breakthroughs were made after the broadcasting of a slightly less extreme announcement, which, while sharing many of the same trepidations that many Istkaleners feel, including worries about the introduction of neoliberalism, the alleged mass rape in the countryside, and the looting of mineral resources, continued telling its ultra-racist canard. The announcer, the famous Andres Liiv, the central provocateur employed by the station, was, based upon noises in the background and reports by those inhabiting the building from it now has been discovered he was recording from, discovered and arrested, at which point he was interrogated. He identified several others involved in the station, arguing that he was acting under orders from others, some of whom were found, most attempting to flee.

It is believed that the station's leadership has effectively been dissolved; with many individual broadcasters being found daily, the station is likely to collapse entirely soon.

The news is met largely with joy, although its influence remains.

"It is certainly good that it has collapsed," said a middle-aged woman, "but many of the things it said had a grain of truth. What if they really are coming to harm us? Of course, no one is leaving, as they suggested; but maybe we should prepare to hide. I am; many of my friends are. But maybe it's for the better - they were a bit too racist for my liking."

Ikomar, who is currently believed to be in a Spanish airport waiting for the arrival of his flight home, has not made any comment, nor is it believed he will make any until he arrives. However, the Minister of State, Ilest Kerel, who is partially responsible for the success of the crackdown, has:

"I am beyond overjoyed that Liiv and his cronies have been found," he said. "They were crazed, racists who wanted nothing more than to make people suffer. The hysteria they brought up has caused a disaster of never-before seen proportions; but I am certain we will be able to recover. Our nation is resilient and resourceful; nothing can stop us. We will rebuild, stronger!"

In other news, the National Assembly is presently discussing its own abolition.

Trepidations about liberal democracy are and have been widespread in Istkalen for decades; it is viewed as intrinsically unstable and unable to guarantee the continued stability of the country's middle class of smallholders and artisans, which have for a long time served as "kingmakers."

While the present state appears to have been able to do this, naysayers point primarily to the unstable "Liberal Era" in the 1970s and 1980s, when many smallholdings collapsed and artisans effectively were deprived of income, with rapid industrialization and the centralization of the economy into monopolistic entities. They also argue that the stark difference between Kerel and Ikomar - the former a socialist who pursued policies of central planning, the latter a conservative who has and continues to slowly liberalize the economy along the more traditional lines of "self-employment" and the cooperative association - demonstrates that a similar change, towards the neoliberalism allegedly espoused by the J-TAI, could occur and again cause devastation.

What is pursued, by much of society and by many of the members of the Assembly is the establishment of a radically presidential regime, supported by a greater number of occupational chambers - 16 in the most popular draft law - without occupational unions - thought, especially by artisans and peasants, to be anti-local and thus against their interests - and single-party in nature, along the lines of the "broad-based political organization" (the Patriotic Union) espoused by Ikomar, Meinl-Reisinger, when she was sane, and Empress Kales.

Debate is generally fierce. The National Assembly needs only a 3/5 vote to abolish itself; however, the battle will be fierce. The primary argument against it, interestingly, is not its presidential nature, nor its support for Ikomar's liberalization and thus its opposition to the occupational unions, but rather that the "Patriotic Union" will not be well-supported abroad and thus should instead be replaced with the current technocratic and non-partisan system.

Those in favor, of course, have responded to this: the "Patriotic Union" is necessary for national unity. Despite this, if amendments regarding it are made, the present supporters of the legislation will still likely support it, thus allowing for its passage with a wide majority.

It is certain, however, that the present system will not stay. The seven-chamber system is supported by only the Union Party in external politics; those to the right support the most prominent draft law, and the sole party to its left, the Communist Party, supports a socialist form of the sixteen-chamber system.

Once viewed by conservatives as the core of Istkalen's political system, support for it has in an instant collapsed. Coverage will continue as debate progresses.

[Istkalen]

THE END IS NIGH

From a blog that will not be identified (distorted and unreliable)

Mass arrests are currently taking place across Istkalen. Effectively all institutions of civil society have collapsed in their wake; leaders of organizations as diverse as the Women's Association and the Union of the Visual Arts, who sat on the National Assembly or the lower committees that elected it, have been arrested. The People's Committees have been dissolved.

So too have the traditional community courts, which were re-established as to try members of the Meinl-Reisinger regime for their crimes. What will happen to said criminals is as of yet unknown; the worry is that they will form a militia of some sort.

Not a single elder of the major newspapers remains; all, or almost all, sat on the committees or the National Assembly, and thus have been arrested. Everyone is terrified; they do not want to return to work. They do not even know whether it would be legal.

In her last act, the President of the Trade Federation of Istkalen, as she was being dragged away by police from the building of the National Assembly, screamed that "we must strike - strike! No one can work, no one is to work!"

Members of organs of the Trade Federation, the vast majority of which, for sitting on the various committees and organs of state, were arrested, rushed to promulgate these orders through society. They were relatively successful in doing so, and a general strike, indefinite in length, has begun, with estimated participation possibly as high as 90%.

Several citizens have also begun a hunger strike; others, more artistically inclined, are presently erecting a lewd statue of General Renwalt, depicting him in an act of a carnal nature with himself, before the J-TAI's chambers.

The exact reasons as to why the crackdown took place are unknown. Per the J-TAI, which (and this is being included purely for posterity) ignored political crisis, the perilous state of the economy, and mass hysteria - they were violating the "Instrument of Surrender;" which no one knew of until some time into the occupation, and which references a document that as of yet no one in Istkalen save some members of the government, who appeared to have been genuinely scared of releasing its contents to the people.

It is, however, causing a mild resurgence of hysteria. Some are now praising the Northern Radio, and Andres Liiv especially, as prophets and leading prophet, for their chillingly accurate prediction of what has come to pass; most are lamenting, however, the fact that they did not listen, and chose to remain in the country for what is almost certainly to be their deaths. No one has, however, left the towns; everyone is simply terrified too. With the country cut off from the rest of the world, many believe that the apocalypse has come.

The rumors of resource exploitation, alongside "extermination" of some sort, has continued, and has been further spurred by the cultural genocide that appears to be being planned in Reitzmag. How can we trust notoriously ethnocentric people who try to snuff out their own citizens?

One of these was the Elder of the Union of Mining, who, before his arrest, stood from his balcony, a large crowd having formed below it, and proclaimed that "they will never place their hands on the riches of these lands; never, never. They shall steal them only over our corpses!" He was shortly thereafter arrested as a result of his position in the Republic, midsentence.

It is perhaps because of this that the strike among miners has taken a different form. Most have barricaded themselves into the mining facilities, although not into the mines themselves; many have loudly proclaimed that they will never move, and that they must all die if "the occupier" wishes to take the mines. Many are armed.

Some also feel it suspicious that the crackdown came so soon after the accusations of mass rape, and believe that it is a coverup. Unfortunately, this is all too likely; again, if the country of Reitzmag is willing to engage in the erasure of its own culture, what exactly would they do to us?

What we can be thankful for, however, is that our Head of State's flight from Spain was delayed, and thus that he is to be unable to return and be arrested. Per reports from Madrid, he has exited the airport, named himself a "Permanent Representative to Spain," and joined Tijnszit at his office there. He is expected to form a government in exile soon; the two have attempted to seek asylum as well, arguing that they both face risk of torture and death in Istkalen, pointing again to the various alleged atrocities that have occurred in the countryside.

In any case, as was well documented, less than 1% of the population actually supports the J-TAI; surely, after this crackdown, no one will.

[Istkalen]

The National Times: Helejtek Vestisz X is coronated in bizarre ceremony at the Imperial Palace

His Excellency, the Helejtek (Emperor) Vestisz X was coronated but an hour ago at the Imperial Palace, in an attempt to maintain some level of Istkalener sovereignty over Istkalen itself.

The ceremony and subsequent ascension of Helejtek Vestisz himself was justified with vague clauses in the so-called "Proclamation of the Republic of Istkalen" from 1946 - similar to what was suggested to be done in the case that the central government was unwilling to hold elections. Most believe, however, that the action was entirely legal, and that the removal of the Helejtek by force would, by beyond-ancient laws which date as far back as 210 BC, by illegal and "in total opposition to the will of heaven itself."

The Helejtek's coronation, however, was beyond bizarre. Attended by several former military generals, who appear to have coerced him into the ceremony - the Helejtek, formerly an engineer, was a republican, although a supporter of the small conservative Green Party - it was short and almost bureaucratic. Several lengthy forms, hastily printed before the ceremony, were filled out by Vestisz, who appeared to be almost in pain. This process took over an hour, after which a teacher of toddlers was brought out and told to loudly announce that Vestisz was Helejtek.

Vestisz himself has said that his position is "temporary," that he is not the head of state or the head of government but rather a caretaker of sorts who will resign upon the return of Ikomar (on track to become one of the most beloved politicians in Istkalen's history, if the present state continues for much longer), and that all he will do is restore the dismantled institutions of state, while at the same time attempting reconciliation with the J-TAI.

His first order was, however, in slight contradiction to this. It ordered the liberation of individuals arrested by Istkalen's police on the basis of the recent declaration made by the J-TAI, for the most part members of local governments.; however, it also effectively established the Draft Law on the Re-organization of the National Assembly, which it was debating upon its dissolution, as law.

Elections are to be held on its basis rapidly - on the 31st, in fact - as to ensure that the institutions of state are restored as quickly as possible. They are to be done on the basis of the sixteen chambers on a local and regional level.

The Helejtek re-assured the J-TAI that the administration was not meant to undermine its power, but rather simply to administrate, as the J-TAI itself "appears wholly incapable" of taking care of basic administration.

The People's Committees are expected to temporarily reform themselves, or be re-elected; the Helejtek has advised that citizens do as such.

The primary hope is that the restoration of the monarchy will help clarify the situation in Istkalen, which remains heavily confused. As with the previous attempted abolition of the government, false news is everywhere, and there is general panic over how the declaration and the Instrument of Surrender has been interpreted. No one knows whether the local governments are allowed to operate, or whether they are simply even arrested; the present state may alleviate this.

[Istkalen]

PROCLAMATION OF THE NEW REPUBLIC

I, Eva van der Bijl, leader of the United Workers' Revolutionary Communist Party - Councils for the Creation of an Egalitarian Society, declare, in this crisis, that the revolution has begun!

The New Republic is formed! Before you stands the great Revolutionary Council, of those who shall lead our revolution! I, with Katzian, shall serve as the joint Presidents of this Council!

Our work lies ahead of us; we are to create a new and democratic socialist society. In this, we must make adjustments to the material situation of Istkalen. President Katzian was opposed to this, and suggested the implementation instead of his theory of the Great Pile, but he was outvoted. In accordance with the principle of democratic centralism, he can, to put it bluntly, no longer complain.

We will thus preserve the independence of the cooperative association and the individual laborer, as is in the tradition of Istkalen; however, it must be made clear that we will immediately be taking steps toward abolishing the state of servitude. In the cooperative association, no longer will the workers be entirely enslaved to the elder; they will in this preserve a degree of independence, although of course we still must have an eye towards our history. The workers, however, will be freed of the vagaries of the market; the workers' committees, so called for, will become the new basis of the economy and the state, killing the monster of neoliberalism and its chidlren.

For the individual laborers, we will be making every attempt to ensure that they are no longer wholly dependent on the whims of the market. All of those who work will be provided for.

We strive forward to create a new society, predicated on liberty, equality, and solidarity, a society infused with justice, true justice. No longer will the old, which sought to bring all down, prevail. All will be equals; all will be free.

It is thus that I proclaim the Republic of Istkalen, the true republic, of the people.

It shall be organized per the demands of the people. The sixteen workers' committees, on an occupational basis; the "Patriotic Union," no longer a vulgar instrument of reactionaries but rather a truly representative organ of the people which shall ever advance their situation. Our Revolutionary Council ever at the helm.

All the municipalities elected on the basis of the committees; a society truly democratic, free of the machinations of the bourgeoisie.

The abolition of the hierarchies, gradually, as we advance ever towards the better society ahead!

We have promulgated the instructions for the elections on our website, uwrcpcces0516.wordpress.com, so that all can see them. We are using our party as an organization for their organization, as well as that of the "Patriotic Union;" we encourage citizens to help in this.

Now, onwards! Towards the new society, towards the new Istkalen!

Long live the Republic!

[Istkalen]

The National Times: Ms. van der Bijl, Mr. Katzian are deported; farmers deliver ultimatum to the J-TAI

Correction: The petition below was not approved by any trade union, nor by anywhere near 500,000 people; it appears that no one, in fact, has had any interest in it

As political chaos ravages the country, with uncertainty over the status of remaining institutions of state, at least one thing has become clearer.

Earlier today, Ms. van der Bijl and Mr. Katzian, who attempted to form a government with the nine other members of their party, were taken into custody and forcibly expelled from the country. The two, 'refugees' who appear to hop between country and country in search of one malleable to their revolution, were already well-known for disseminating false information, as well as violent rhetoric, as they had done in the many previous countries they had been in before.

Their expulsion, which occurred in a nature preserve, was met with widespread applause. The two were seen largely as performance artists with little importance; in a way, laughable. One blogger's commentary called their various attempts to paint themselves as important a "very, very sad, comedy; one would laugh at it if they weren't such pitiable figures."

Most felt as though it will cause a drop in the severe instability that formed upon the collapse of the democratic "Republic of Istkalen," by centering power under the nascent "State of Istkalen" under Helejtek Vestisz X; however, the "Council of State" formed by the two will apparently continue on. Its members, most of whom, while well-educated - mostly doctors, engineers, and educators - appear to have joined simply as to laugh at the attempts of the two leaders to gain power, will continue to hold office. They have largely re-oriented its efforts away from the communist ideals of the two, and instead to Green-Party-esque conservative politics, which retain the same vaguely socialist nature, while at the same time attempting to "blend" it with the historically predominant political and cultural systems in Istkalen.

The Council of State, after these changes, was openly endorsed by the Communist, Union, and Green Parties, with the Patriotic League and the National Republicans, oddly enough, endorsing the Helejtek, despite him being a member of the Green Party.

Both endorse effectively identical political systems, and diverge only on the economy, and even then only slightly; most of the reformed People's Committees participating in the coming elections have stated that the "Patriotic Union" formed by both will be considered as one, and that only one election, to both of the proposed and identical states, will be held.

Support for this, however, is significantly lower than for the old Republic, which had to its benefit a strong legal basis and existing institutions.

In other news, farmers, joined by those in the sector of commerce, have delivered a dangerous ultimatum to the J-TAI in an attempt to dismantle it.

"Either you leave," its first sentence goes, "or everyone starves."

The ultimatum essentially states that farmers will not farm and that importers will not import anything as to make up for the deficit if the J-TAI does not begin to leave in the coming two weeks.

It has been signed by the corresponding member-unions of the Labor Federation; thousands of others have signed it, with many more doing so and planning to do so.

Combined with strikers and factory occupiers, who have in recent days managed to stop electricity production indefinitely, the effects will be beyond disastrous.

A copy of it is below.

---

TO THE JOINT TRANSITIONAL AUTHORITY FOR ISTKALEN

Either you leave, or everyone starves.

That is the simple message we bring to you. We will be without mercy; we swear that we all will die if you do not comply with our demands.

Within two weeks, you are to begin the process of dismantling yourself. We have little against the present occupation, if it can be proved that the atrocities truly have not occurred; but we abhor that you have usurped power and have used that power to leave this country miserable.

If you do not, we promise the following.

We will no longer work in the fields, we will no longer harvest. We will burn our crops, what little harvest we have, so that there is none left.

We will no longer import what is necessary, nor try to rectify the destruction of the harvest with importation. There will be nothing for Istkalen; everyone shall die if you do not dismantle yourself within a week.

We will no longer distribute necessities. All shall be destroyed, and we shall go happily to our deaths, knowing that you will have been proven brutal and evil.

Do you think the people of this nation will be angry? They will not. All of them would rather die than live a tortured existence under you. They shall go to their deaths, as we will, joyfully, knowing that your name will be forever slandered.

We do not think you will give in. You will be content to see us die, for how will it affect you? So long as you have the resources of this nation to make yourselves fat on, you will be happy. The empty land, too, will serve as living space for your citizens - surely you will rejoice at that, won't you?

So, then, watch as we laugh, even as skeletons, falling to the ground in masses. The old, the young, everyone. Watch, and rejoice!

But, of course, who else will?

We are a stalwart people; do not underestimate us. We will carry this out with the greatest fervor.

We will not falter; through this we will continue, even as we begin to die. We will mourn, we will be saddened by what we will have done; but we will know that it has been done for a good cause.

To our last dying breath, we will curse you for what you have done, for what you planned to do, to us.

---

[Istkalen]

The National Times: Exodus from the cities as order collapses
The Republic of Istkalen has declared that this is misinformation, spread primarily to further create the idea that Istkalen is unstable. Istkalen is prospering.

On the 27th of May, a general strike, the scale of which is unprecedented, begun. It was then that the nightmare begun.

By the 1st, the sanitation workers refusing to work, the garbage of the previous week accumulated on the streets of the cities of Istkalen. The smell was terrible; a great infestation of rats rose up. They were everywhere, skittering here and there.

Many were too scared to go outside, so terrible was the smell and the rats. But on the 1st, some brave souls went as to burn the garbage. The cities were clogged, then, with terrible noxious smoke -the rats still there, covering the streets as they ran back and forth through the cities.

Shortages, meanwhile, plagued the city. Many, if not all, of the farms within the city had been abandoned rapidly after the arrival of the rats; at the same time, with transportation workers on strike, nothing was being taken into the city.

No one wanted to go out and face the smoke and the garbage and the rats; but this was untenable. On the 3rd, small streams of people began to go out - but as expected, there was no one as to tend to the stores. Desperate, some broke in, and that is when the looting and the crime began.

~~Those who broke in, knowing that a shortage was to come, took as much as they could, whether it was food or petrol. ~~

Meanwhile, the garbage fires that had been lit spread, into buildings, into parks, especially in the capital and surrounding conurbation. There and in many other places, they continued to spread, eating more and more and more, until great areas - of parkland, of farmland, of housing - were aflame. An attempt was made to combat the fires; it failed, the fire continuing to spread.

Thousands, quite quickly, lost their homes and their belongings, and were thrown onto the smoke-clogged streets.

The rats fleeing the cities, many followed suit.

Without food, surrounded by fire, a veritable exodus began, thousands running as fast as they could away from the hell that had been created in just a short few days. The countryside, part of the thinking went, did not have such a severe condition in terms of food shortages - it was where most of it was produced.

Many were turned away - without electricity, it turned out, the situation remained perilous in the countryside, although certainly not as bad in the cities. The People's Committees of the villages and towns often argued that they had to prioritize their own citizens above those from other areas; they refused, as such, to offer refuge to many of those from the cities.

Many had to walk for up to 150 kilometers, into the night and sometimes the next day, simply to seek shelter and food. Several, exhausted, collapsed on the side of the road; some, especially the elderly, died there, alone and without comfort.

Despite the severity of the general strike, which has effectively destroyed the country's infrastructure, it is not expected to end until the J-TAI agrees to the agreement proposed by the Republic. Many, however, have become impatient; it is believed that a partisan movement may begin if action is not made.

[Istkalen]

Postimees: The East is plunged into panic; the West remains calm
We have been advised to mark this as misinformation, and have labeled it as such. The source from which we found this information has since been banned for its spreading of misinformation against the state and nation.

The East of the country has plunged into chaos - although not one that is violence. Much of the Capital Region is aflame; hundreds of thousands continue to stream out from it into the countryside - an apparent result of the general strike, which paralyzed the economy almost entirely.

It is thus perhaps fortunate that this has not yet befallen the West. Some level of moderation has remained there; at the very least, electricity has not been cut off and the movement of food from the countryside into the cities continues.

There remains anger towards the J-TAI; yet, fortunately, it has not manifested in the self-destructiveness of the capital region especially. No exodus from the cities has occurred here, and perhaps not even from much of the East save from the Capital Region.

In light of this, however, the general strike has come to an "organic" end. Fearful that the same which has stricken the Capital Region will strike elsewhere, many, save for miners, who remain in their stalwart occupation of the mines, have returned to work.

Many are unhappy with this, for they believed that such a strike would eventually force the J-TAI out; however, they have accepted it as vitally necessary, in order to preserve life itself.

Support for a partisan movement against the J-TAI, however, has risen, which is worrying.

The economy appears at least partially to have responded well; while there was a steep downturn during the war and after the dissolution of the Republic, said downturn has at the very least now slowed. Exports, however, are not likely to recover until the J-TAI is dissolved.

The issue of the Capital Region, however, remains a threat. Holding the lion's share of Istkalen's economy, its ongoing destruction may leave the country scarred for a long time afterwards.

With the number of internally displaced people already high as a result of repeated "evacuations" of the cities, the present events are expected only to add to them, further causing chaos and economic strain.

The situation seems untenable; the country can no longer support the level of political, economic, and societal disorder that it is experiencing as a result of the occupation.

[Istkalen]

Postimees: Hysteria - more and more, let it stop!

We greatly regret having to inform you that the hysteria in the north has yet again climbed. With Mr. Liiv, and the Northern Radio's formerly disgraced staff in general, now seen as prophets for their eerily accurate predictions of the arrest of the legitimately elected legislature, the total closure of the borders, and now possibly colonization (many suspect the declaration that over two million will be conscripted in Reitzmag to be, in reality, a declaration of the sending of settlers en masse), they have gained ever more influence over the opinions of the population - and the general crazed state that exists in the north, with tomato puree now everywhere, priests screaming nonsense in the streets, and women dancing crazily while ululating in front of their housing, has, in turn, increased greatly.

Severe shortages of tomatoes continue. The vegetables, believed to have the ability to ward away Vards, are in such demand that people are willing to kill for it. In fact, such an incident occurred yesterday, when an elderly woman was beaten almost to death by a forty-three year old man for a single slice of tomato contained in the salad she was taking to a meeting of the local Seniors' Association. The woman, fortunately, has been taken to hospital, and is expected to recover; the man, however, was arrested. As a result of severe disruptions caused by the dissolution of the Republic and general concern over who exactly has jurisdiction and what law exactly applies, if at all, no trial can be held until some form of clarification is made, requiring the man in question to be held in jail, without bail, indefinitely until the issue is resolved.

In other fits of craziness over the tomato, a group of priests were seen walking through a village and throwing, from a bucket, tomato puree over everything, while chanting loudly what appeared to be nonsense derived from one of the programs of the Northern Radio. The incident was celebrated by the villagers, many of whom danced outside, wearing, as is now unfortunately normal, cardboard boxes as to ensure that Vards do not see their torsos or anything approximating their torsos, as the tomato puree landed on their bodies. They would then smear it across them and the boxes they were wearing, before continuing to dance, screaming various praises to the priests and to God.

Elsewhere, at a busy market, a woman accused a merchant of being a Vardic agent, as she was upset with rationing policies that had nothing to do with the merchant. Said merchant was then attacked by a mob, tomato puree thrown at him before he was jumped on, dragged, unconscious, into a nearby ditch, covered in a thin layer of dirt, and left there to suffer as the mob and most of the others in the market celebrated their "defeat," in which they gathered tomatoes and the spilled tomato puree at the center of the marketplace before praising and seemingly praying to the tomatoes and puree because of the "victory against the Horde" it had led them to. The merchant fortunately survived; unfortunately, no one can be arrested, as it is unclear who participated and who did not, and most are worried of legal trouble and possible arrest by the "thugs" of the J-TAI if they make any sort of decision.

Even worse, a large group would later set upon the gathered tomatoes and puree, fighting each other to get more as to protect themselves against the Vards, leading to eighteen injuries. The market has since been closed and forced to relocate as a result of the repeated incidents occurring there.

Many other incidents, of looting and of violence over tomatoes, have occurred; they have become so common as to become normal.

The severity of the shortages, in addition to the extreme desire for the tomatoes, has led to a massive ballooning of the cost. One tomato, on average, now costs well over 70 ketsels, expected to continue to increase sharply in the coming days. Attempts to impose price controls have not been fruitful.

In other events, the storytime assemblies have continued. Teachers continue to regale children with stories of how the Vards will assault them with various vegetables and fruits in various areas considered vulgar; they have supplemented this with passages from the newly released "The Modern Mother Goose," which includes rhymes such as:

"Greedy General Renwalt,"
"Mr. Kim is Going to Fry,"
"[name], [name], Go Away,"
and
"Hey, Ho, They Will Go,"

Glitter and cucumbers, now impossible to find, remain prized objects among children, the trade of them flourishing in a sort of black market in the schools.

Their walks to and from the schools have themselves gotten much worse. Wearing cardboard boxes, tomato puree covering their faces - obtained generally by the school - they walk, holding a rope, behind priests, who flick more puree on the road before them, as women, before their housing lining the roads, dance crazily and ululate in an attempt to scare Vards away, per the instructions of the Northern Radio.

The young adults, on the other hand, are wasting their talent and creativity at a hitherto unseen scale. With the universities closed, generally as a result of the continuing strike, they have turned almost all of their time to the production of vulgar art of Vardic and Reitzmic soldiers - a true scar on themselves, their families, and their nation. Their productivity in this is terrifying - they produce up to 1000 times the "works" in this genre per week as teenage girls produced regarding the relationship between Aguilar and Bridges did on average in a month. The internet is flooded with their work, scarring many permanently as their work climbs upward through search engine results - typed screams of "Bleach! Bleach!" in relation to the vulgar works are now far too common.

What, then, of the south? People there have simply barricaded themselves inside their homes, waiting to die. They believe that the Reitzmics will "play" with them before killing them; they want to put that off as much as is possible, and thus have tried to shut themselves off from the outside world. Perhaps simpler then the craziness in the North; but perhaps it is worse. Here, we have hope; there, they have none.

[Istkalen]

The Citizens' Voice: Ikomar urges calm as the Republic attempts to wrest back power from the Joint Transitional Authority for Istkalen

As the Republic continues to attempt to reconsolidate itself following its dissolution and the resulting chaos and hysteria, the Premier, Liros Ikomar, who continues to remain abroad due to worries surrounding his security in Istkalen, has made an appeal for calm.

"The claims of the Northern Radio are entirely false. Liiv and his cronies are criminals whose only desire is to terrify people as for their own gratification. The Republic continues to be in negotiations with the J-TAI as for the preservation of self-rule, which we continue to view as our sole priority. So please, remain calm. On guard, yes - we remain in dangerous and uncertain times - but calm," he stated.

The message comes as the cult of personality around Liiv has begun to escalate even further, with some going as far as to proclaim him a prophet of God, worrying many across the nation. Some speculate that the message itself was not meant to oppose the Northern Radio, but rather Liiv's increasing popularity and thus danger to the state and peace. Most, however, believe the simplest explanation - that the insanity was climbing to an unacceptably high level, and, per his duties as the interim Premier, it was Ikomar's duty to make such a statement.

Regardless, he would later continue by speaking of the tomato and cardboard box crazes, which he condemned, before rapidly announcing that the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Planning had instituted price controls as well as rationing in response. The measures, meant to put to a stop the ongoing inflation and shortages, have been attempted before, to little success; the state, however, believes that centralized application of the policy may work.

Most People's Committees, which continue to hold power across the country and have remained the only stable government through the period of occupation, are expected to at the very least attempt to implement the policy again; the central government, in its attempt to encourage them to do so and rebuild its base of support and power, has promised support from the Popular Militia, which remains under state rather than committee control.

This was joined by an announcement that, as a result of the economic turmoil that the country continues to face, the state-oriented policies of Kerel would make a "return." Limited "liberalization," in which greater control was given to individual economic actors, occurred before the dissolution of the Republic; blamed, now, by several political factions for certain economic issues, combined with economic instability and a fear that freer policies could endanger recovery, the Council of Ministers has been put under extreme pressure, especially by the National Assembly and the occupational chambers, to return to the previous model of development.

Ikomar has not expressed complaint over the decision, instead calling it necessary; however, he stressed that greater decentralization was necessary - which has indeed been integrated into the restoration to an extent.

Some have speculated that the move, more than being an attempt to restablize the economy, is in reality an attempt to align the government with others seen as more hospitable towards the government - that is, the various socialist governments, seen as diametrically opposed to the occupying powers - by establishing itself as socialist. The government has denied this; however, some parties, especially the Communist Party and the newly founded "Socialist Party," a social-democratic party that split from it recently, have gone as far as to praise the government for these actions in this vein.

Regardless, the majority view is that the actions have a purpose twofold in nature - first, to ensure calm, and secondly, to wrest power back from the Joint Transitional Authority. The new Republic has struggled to re-assert its nominal power in Istkalen, especially against the Joint Transitional Authority, which much of the population now fears; by instituting popular and rational policies on a national level, it may believe that it can regain the trust and the power of the People's Committees, and thus again govern through them. While it does have aspirations of forming a settlement with the J-TAI, it seems as though talks have slowed, which may have driven them to struggle for power yet again.

The reaction of the Joint Transitional Authority is as of not known. Most, however, believe that it will look at this negatively. It does not wish the Republic to have any true authority in Istkalen; it wishes instead to reserve all political authority in the country for itself, leaving the Republic as a vaguely advisory structure, similarly to a "Shadow Government" in countries with more oppositional forms of governance - that is, as to scrutinize its policies and offer potential alternatives in a non-binding way. Some have predicted that a second dissolution will occur as a result of the efforts of the new Republic, especially with the increasingly harsh policies being taken towards Copala City.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Patriotic Front Leadership Elections

The Patriotic Front, a right-wing party widely considered to be an Arian interest group, is to be holding leadership elections, as the term of present leader Erkas Tilisek has ended, requiring her to win re-election as to remain in the position. The candidates are below. As is tradition, all are converts, as to dispel the belief that only Germans are members of the party.

Name	Political Positions	Image
Erkas Tilisek	The current leader of the party, Tilisek is considered to be an extremist, even within the party, although with the departure of the Patriotic Leage, the party itself has become significantly more extreme in nature. An ultraconservative, she believes in a strict interpretation of what she has termed "Christian Law," which includes the prescribing of the death penalty for "deviant behaviors" (ex. homosexuality, adultery), a total prohibition on divorce, the arrest of non-Arian clergy, the destruction of non-Arian religious buildings, forced conversion to Arianism for all Istkaleners, and the total destruction of industry for the re-creation of an idealized, hierarchial agriculture and craft-based economy which "praises God in all things." Many have claimed her to be against modern science as well, as she has denounced modern medicine and any form of investigation into natural phenomena as "sinful," arguing that "people must put trust into our Father for and in all things," as well as that "our Father is responsible for all, that is all we need to know, and for this we must praise Him endlessly;" however, she has denied this.
Mikeli Neripas	Mikeli Neripas is also considered an extremist; however, she is not as extreme as Tilisek. While she still endorses the death penalty for homosexuals and adulterers, and in this is particularly enthusiastic - she once, while campaigning, beheaded and stoned effigies of various people she termed to be "degenerate," including said adulterers and homosexuals - she is a secularist, and does not advocate for religious leaders of non-Arian religions to be put to death and all to be forced to convert to Arianism. She is, however, accused of being anti-Semitic, although she herself has denied this. While in support of a more agricultural and craft-based economy similarly to Tilisek, she has argued for the more mainstream position, adopted by the center-right Green Party, that this should take a modern form with the usage of modern technology as to augment it. However, she has repeatedly railed against "industrialists," who she denounces as being "from Satan," and calls for extreme violence against them. More radically, in opposition to Tilisek, she argues that higher education should be abolished and replaced entirely with a system of apprenticeship, although she states that she is fully in support of the retaining of primary and secondary schooling. She also does not hold that modern medicine and science are sinful by themselves, but states that they are often vehicles for sin, and believes that both should be "regulated" as to ensure that "sinful activities" are not justified or excused with science.
Kinides Peralkal	Kinides Peralkal is considered a radical, although, oddly enough, not an extremist, although this means nothing in the context of the party. He has been rejected by many other members of the party for being a heretic, especially for claiming that he is "a son of God" and calling for people to "mix their holy blood with that of Christ" in the receiving of the Eucharist. He believes that he is destined to become the leader of Istkalen and spread Arianism across the world, and that all should worship him. He has no viewpoints except for this, although he appears to have the same opinions on social matters as all others.
Sirisik Gingivitis	Sirisik Gingivitis is considered to be off the rails, even within the party. Calling for the total elimination of political and religious opponents to "constant religious struggle" - that is, terrorism - he has argued that Istkalen must be "purified." He also argues for the total abolition of industry and education, stating that the modern world is "corrupting" and should be abolished. In particular, he calls for children as young as three to work, even in noxious environments or with noxious chemicals, stating that they will learn lessons as a result. He is also a known racist and anti-Semite, saying that "certain people" should be "replaced," and that "there are evil people" who should be "eliminated." He denies these accusations.
Reszelport Jezebel-Swift	Reszelport Jezebel-Swift is the most extreme of all. She calls for the establishment of a "corporative dictatorship on organic principles," founded on the old Gaulois fascist adage - work, family, fatherland. She has also called for the expansion of capital punishment to all forms of "murder," which include any "wastage of the gametes," "birth control," "abortion," "ungodly behavior," and much more; she has also said that political and religious opponents should be rounded up. She herself claims to have killed various people, and openly says that her wish is to be able to kill Ikomar and his government for "their crimes against our Father." Her economic positions, however, are similar to those of Neripas.
Mollet Afierme-Kendek	Mollet Afierme-Kendek, similarly to Reszelport Jezebel-Swift, supports the establishment of a corporative dictatorship on organic principles, although he refers to this as a "new and moral republic." He also believes in the principles of "work, family, and fatherland," and has stated that "the principle of equality is a falsehood." He is, however, a secularist who has adopted most of Neripas's positions. He does not believe in stoning or beheading, instead stating that those who "break God's law" should be punished with the electric chair or with lethal injection, which he calls "more humane." He is considerably less radical in his rhetoric, but is considered to be just as conservative and extreme as all the others.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Long-debated "draft constitutional act" finally approved as Istkalen enters "transition to democracy"

A long debated "constitutional act," which would abolish the legislature and create a radically centralized regime in which legislative and executive powers would be concentrated in the Council of Ministers. While popular drafts of the act entailed the abolition of the occupational unions and the establishment of a one-party system, its final form did neither, choosing instead to preserve the multi-party system as well as the occupational unions, albeit in what appears to be a limited form.

The structure of state will be as follows:

The President of the Republic will have the right to nominate the Council of Ministers of Istkalen, as well as dismiss its members, save for the Ministers of Justice, Examination, and the Censorate, which will be appointed by the Council of Justice, the Council of Examination, and the High Council of the Censorate respectively. The Council of Ministers will be headed by a Prime Minister, who shall be responsible for coordinating its activities as well as those of the ministries.

The President, as well as the ministers, will have broad power to issue orders for the "enforcement of the laws."

The Council of Ministers will also be able to propose legislation; if a majority is in favor, and if the President approves, then it goes into law. The 16 occupational committees - renamed "producers' committees" in an attempt to revisit past populist-producerist governments - may repeal legislation related to their corresponding sector. They will, however, possess certain legislative powers of their own apart from this as well - primarily to regulate their corresponding economic sectors, to coordinate economic activity, and to stimulate economic development. A majority of the 16 committees has the power to declare a state of defense, at which point the President will gain the power to rule by decree, without even the Council of Ministers.

The occupational unions, renamed "producers' associations," will continue to exist, primarily to define occupational ethics and norms, to codify the duties that members of a given occupation hold, to codify how said members should approach other members and the public, as well as to provide welfare and assistance to their members. They will no longer take a role in the economy apart from this, as they did previously.

The Censorate, Council of Justice, and Council of Examination, will retain their current powers, and thus provide a significant number of checks against the exercise of power by the President and Council of Ministers.

Local government is left undescribed; it will likely continue to function as it does now.

According to Ikomar, who per the act is now President, the move will be temporary.

"Istkalen is not yet ready for democracy," he stated in a virtual press conference. "It posesses neither the culture, nor the stability. For almost twenty years, much of its administration has been almost feudalist in nature. Prior to that, the country was ruled by a military junta; before that a one-party state, and preceding even that a personalist dictatorship. The country has not seen democracy or anything approaching sane governance for almost 50 years; we have already seen how, in this state, people have turned to authoritarianism. A quick transition sounds good, but will not work - it will lead to someone even worse than the Social Democrats gaining power, and the same cycle repeating itself. In the passing of this act, we are entering a period of prolonged but temporary transition - really of state-building - that is necessary for the construction of democratic culture and institutions in Istkalen."

This is in stark contrast to the opinions of the act's writers, who all have proclaimed their antipathy towards democracy and their wish to establish "a moral, stable, and authoritarian" state in Istkalen.

"Istkalen is not the West," one stated during debate. "It is not a country where ridiculous ideas of rights and popular sovereignty can thrive, nor where they should even be forced. Its people do not know of either; they know only of duty. On this, rather than any ridiculous and evil Western notions, should governance be based on. For them, they may have their limping, corrupt, state; for us, we shall have our strong, enduring, state of duty rather than entitlement, of service rather than demands."

This opposition has been common in the present period - a reflection of the popular opinion, which is strongly for authoritarianism, and its opposition to that of the West, which pushes for the establishment of liberal democracy - but in reality has never manifested in genuine struggle, and likely will not. While Ikomar claims to be supportive of democracy, in reality he largely governs according to the wishes of the public and thus, by extension, the authoritarian politicians of the National Assembly. While it is probable that he does in fact eventually intend a transition towards true democracy, the form this will take, not to mention the length, is unknown.

[Istkalen]

An Announcement from the Producers' Committee of Culture

The Producers' Committee of Culture, formerly the Producers' Committee of Arts and Literature, in coordination with the similarly renamed Ministry of Culture, has, in the spirit of the Internal Revolution, and with the authorization of the Council of Ministers as a whole as well as the President, resolved to put a firm end to the issue of journalistic elitism.

The journalists of today, influenced by the class-based ideology of the Social Democrats, hold an unfortunate belief that they have a monopoly on truth. Whatever comes from their mouths, they believe, is truth, or at least will be considered as truth. That which anyone else who is not within their clique says is not truth, it is lies, and is denounced by them as such. This has escalated to such a level that the journalists of today are preventing others, educated and well-trained, from entering their class; they have also lied to the public in order to incite people into removing from their class those they dislike for daring to defy their insane beliefs on their monopoly.

In this vein, in fact, they have come to lie to the public as a group as to manipulate it into hating that which they hate and loving that which they love. Lies, lies, lies, constantly and always.

IN the struggle for democracy, this elitism has no place. Journalists are indeed the purveyors of the truth, but that does not mean that they are better than all others, that they possess some divine right over the truth, that they define the truth rather than reality itself. They simply communicate it simply, concisely, and effectively, perhaps providing analysis or an opinion, insofar as both are presented as analysis or opinion rather than as facts in themselves.

It is the destruction of the present insanity of the journalists and the setting of the present situation to rights as we have described that we seek presently, as well as, in part, the expansion of certain journalistic activities to the people.

Thus, there shall be an end to the present cliques that have formed in journalism. All of these, regardless of the medium through which they operate, shall be integrated into the "People's Information Service," named so as to continue the mockery of old Social Democratic institutions and remove from them whatever mystique or terror they carried with them, which shall be divided into the "Istkalen Information Service," for national news, and the "Local Information Service," for local news. Integration does not mean prohibition; it simply means that all must now publish under the name of the Information Service rather than the various cliques that existed before.

In order to prevent the inciting of violence and require the truth to be reported, councils of selected editors, known to be truthful and moral, shall be set up as to ensure that lies and propaganda are not disseminated. Within the Information Service, there shall also be outlets for ordinary people to submit various reports and opinions, which may be published from time to time, as to encourage public participation.

Freedom of the press shall remain sacrosanct. So long as what is reported is:

• truthful
• if not truthful, marked as untruthful
• if opinion or analysis, marked as such

it will be published. Citizens will also be free to continue writing and disseminating what they wish, although the mediums of print, radio, and television shall be placed under committee regulation and control, without fear of retribution - in fact, this will be encouraged for the sake of democracy.

Long live democracy; may the Internal Revolution succeed.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Government announces timeline for "democratic" transition"
International

The Council of Ministers, in line with recent reforms, and in an attempt to deny amounting accusations of fascism, has announced its intention to develop a new "democratic" constitution, based on that of 1931, setting a timeline for its creation, the holding of elections, and handover of power to a new government, occurring, in reality, unusually rapidly - all of this in but six months.

Make no mistake - this is not an attempt to court, at the very least, liberal democracy. Istkalen's government has made it clear that it has no intention of ever truly becoming one, instead putting forward a concept of "Istkalener democracy" - effectively an authoritarian ideology that, as is tradition, integrates, rather than suppresses, dissent and political activities in general into controlled, "ordered" state institutions, mostly organized on the line of profession and, in some cases, identity (youth, women, minorities, etc, etc). The choice of the 1931 constitution - a particularly authoritarian document, although mild by Istkalen's standards - as a basis highlights this.

With most Istkaleners supporting such a regime, however, having come to see, after the extreme corruption of 1973-1983, as well as the extravagance and myriad political alliances with the most bizarre of institutions that defined the Social Democratic regime until its violent attempt to purge these all through war both internal and external, even the basic trappings of liberal democracy as leading to failure, there is likely to be little internal opposition to this.

"What has the multi-party system done for us?" asked a woman who wished to remain anonymous. "We saw - they were siphoning money for seances and all sorts of ridiculous ceremonies! Others were doing beheadings and stonings and all sorts of vile things, and when the Social Democrats, seeing the monster they had created, tried to get rid of them - whoosh! - invasion! I don't want it back, I don't know anyone who wants them back. Right now it is tolerable, but it won't be for very long, you will see!"

What exactly will change? Very little. An elected legislature, proportionally appointed by chambers of various professions and vocations, themselves created by the Council of MInisters with the approval of the President and elected by "professional associations" and "workers' associations" and even, oddly enough, "artisans' guilds," composed entirely of members of the National Front, if the format of the 1931 constitution is followed. An executive structured similarly to the present government, requiring the confidence of the legislature, albeit without the same expansive legislative powers. A judiciary, censorate, and council of examination left virtually unchanged, as they have been since their recreation in 1910.

In effect, the same old, same old - not of the Social Democrats, of course, but rather of past, "softly" authoritarian governments - the "Emergency Government" of 2003 after the devastating terrorist attacks on the country's government but before Social Democratic takeover, the Tiraki regime, and so on and so forth.

The perfect manifestion, then, of the "Internal Revolution," the government's expansive, nativist attempt to rid Istkalen of the last remnants of the Social Democratic regime.

Why all this? Why not simply establish a true democracy and gain the support of Europe?

As is perhaps obvious, the people of Istkalen do not want such a thing, and believe, now more than ever, that true democracy has failed; such a thing would thus cause instability. More than anything, the very purpose of the present government is to prevent such instability, now by removing the last dangerous influences of the Social Democrats, and, through the adoption of a nativist platform, the countering of the far-right. It wants to create an oasis of sorts in Eastern Europe, a non-aligned state in all ways separate from European geopolitical conflict and from the militarism that it sees as consuming the region as a whole. Instability would counter this all - it cannot have any of it. Indeed, it would prefer isolation to violence.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: The reviled Josephine Areai exempted from deportations of "non-citizen Social Democratic guest-collaborators" after begging for life before immigration board

Josephine Areai, the former State Elder of the former state of Eastern Haane, was and remains a highly controversial figure. Allowed to enter the country as a "guest" of the Social Democratic government (which she, famously, referred to as "the Republic" instead of "the Federation" during a Commission debate) as were hundreds of thousands of other refugees, she became one of the most high-profile "collaborators," as they were called in the common parlance - foreigners who, on the condition for support for the Social Democratic government, were given citizenship and power - although this was hidden from the public - as well as one of the most hated. The vast majority saw her as a symbol of the decline of Istkalen over the past two decades - of the mass infiltration of foreign ideas and culture, of the over-the-top despotism that the state had fallen into, and of extreme moral and cultural decay; her violent past further caused many to believe that she was further disgracing the country abroad and accelerating its already rapid turn away from normal governance.

Upon the Social Democratic self-coup of the 13th of April, her execution was near-immediately ordered, to massive support, providing a further surge in popularity for the new government. She would vanish, but as the nation became swept up in state-directed violence against "guests" and other forces that had kept the Social Democratic order afloat for its whole existence, the fervor for her execution exploded. Effigies of her were burnt; people who resembled her were often violently accosted, and in some cases killed. It was only the declaration of war that would intervene, with the extreme disorder, constant "evacuations" of population centers, and repeated purges resulting in the total collapse of institutions, and thus of the power that fueled the anti-Areai movement.

Upon the fall of the Social Democratic government on the 18th of April as a result of a coup, the interim government of Ilest Kerel, despite the unprecedented chaos and crisis that the country was experiencing, turned its attention to the continued suppression of the anti-Areai movement. Hundreds of its instigators outside of the state were rounded up, in the context of further purges of Social Democratic loyalists led by the military. Small protests began, but were almost instantaneously suppressed by force.

The new leaders of the state did not want their rule to be marked by chaos. They were men and women who, above all, desired order and cleanliness, and would do everything and anything to create and maintain both. The anti-Areai movement was the very definition of chaos; thus, in their eyes, it had to be destroyed, with remaining elements forcibly integrated into what remained of the ruined state apparatus.

We turn, then, to the present day. Almost 400,000 "guest-collaborators," if not more, are to be expelled within six months, by direct order of the President in an attempt to fulfill populist promises. At the top of the list was, predictably, Public Enemy Number One - Josephine Areai. Despite the collapse of the movement and the forced disappearances of its leaders, hatred for her remained alive and kicking, although not with the extreme ferocity that characterized it under the Social Democratic regime - that was largely reserved for the J-TAI.

After her failed Commission campaign, she had returned fully to public life, insofar as it was possible without her being assassinated by members of the public. It was thus relatively simple for her to be arrested and detained, on the 1st of August, where she would immediately begin protesting her fate.

Her argument was simple. She had survived crucifixion and escaped her home country because of the efforts of the "Thirteen Comrades," who rose to national leadership after the Reitzmic intervention in late 2020; with the total collapse of society and of civilization in general, mostly the result of the short lived "Catholic dictatorship" of the Reverend Father Jean-Pierre Antoine, who ruled using the "Thirteen Comrades" as a facade throughout the month of November of 2020, she claimed that she would be unable to survive there.

"They will eat me up," she said, in testimony given to the immigration committee responsible for her fate on the 14th of August. "There is nothing left there but the husks of what once were people. Everyone sane long has left. I can't go back, don't make me go back. I did this all, I know, through my hands did they create this hellscape; but I cannot die now. If I were to die now, I would not have paid for what I have done even by a morsel. I need to pay for what I have done, to give back what I took, to somehow repair what through me was broken. Don't make me go back, don't make me go back, they'll kill me, they'll kill me and roast me and eat me! Don't make me go back, don't make me go back!"

She would plead like this day after day, to her guards, to the immigration committee, and to virtually everyone who could hear. On the 28th, she seemed to have gone mad, screaming again and again about horrific pain, despite her being in perfectly fine physical condition and not having undergone any real stress since her flight from her home nation in early November of 2020.

Today, the immigration committee responsible, due to "the evident mental deterioration of the individual in question," as well as "potential health issues the individual may continue to experience as a result of the ordeals and extreme stress she has experienced" ruled that she would not be deported, resulting in massive public outcry. Protests have not been held, nor is it likely that they will be held - the J-TAI remains in power, and the Republic itself continues to frown on the anti-Areai movement - something significantly more powerful, given that it holds control over religion while at the same time having the ability to call upon what has been termed the "National Union" - that is, the popular idea that, because of the present crisis, citizens must rally around the Republic and uphold its structure and orders as well as possible, themselves taking the vigilante-like role of punishing those who refuse to comply.

However, the President is expected to comment, from exile in Spain, on the situation, as well as to offer guidance on the issue.

[Istkalen]

People's Daily: "Unfortunate" that Czech Slavia Ministry of Culture sees criticism of pre-1948 Czech capitalism as criticism of itself, says Íkrat

General Secretary Ilisapit Íkrat (formerly Romanized Ilisapit Iykrat) of our Communist Party of Istkalen recently received a threatening package from the Czech Ministry of Culture, after her poem cycle "Her Love," which is about the evils that "Mother Capitalism" forced on the Czech people before 1948, focusing especially on the 1918-1948 period, was judged criticism of the modern Czech state, which, while not considered socialist by the Party, is considered to be developing towards socialism, despite a number of errors on the part of the Socialist Republican Party.

Comrade Íkrat, in a statement from prison made in her official capacity as Minister of the Professions in the government of the Republic, addressed, among other issues including what she terms "the continued revision and outright falsification of historical events by the present government" and "the necessity of creating a society of free producers as to begin the process of constructing socialism," the threatening package.

"Let us now turn to less serious matters," she wrote. "I have received an unusual package from the Czech Slavian Ministry of Culture, as acknowledgement of my participation in a festival they held. Within this package is contained a death threat, in pictorial form, which appears to depict a man swinging an ice pick at what is, assuming form the unusual criticism that the Ministry of Culture gave my work, a caricature of of me."

"The reasoning for this disturbing package is related to the unusual criticism that my work was given. The Czech Minister of Culture appears to have interpreted the poem I submitted to the festival, a short work that criticizes Czech capitalism during the 1918-1948 period, as criticism of the Democratic Republic of Czech Slavia itself, its economic system, and of its President. Nothing could be further from the truth. There are deep flaws in all of these, but not so deep that they can be condemned in this way. I, as a member of the Party and in line with the principles of democratic centralism, do indeed hold to the official policy of the Party as regards Czech Slavia, made in the spirit of socialist internationalism, that:

• the socialist mode of production no longer exists in Czech Slavia

• due to the material conditions prevailing there, the Socialist Republican Party was right in allowing for private enterprise as an integral part of the socialist system in Czech Slavia

• due to the presence of a clique of capitalist roaders in the party, this project was undermined and resulted in increasing control of the international bourgeoisie over the economy of Czech Slavia

• due to the continued influence of genuine socialists in the Socialist Republican Party, the state can still be considered as progressing towards socialism."

"As a result, the interpretation of the poem presented by the Czech Minister of Culture could not be any further from the truth. I am a stalwart anti-capitalist and communist, who would not engage in petty sectarianism as he implies I would. While I do hold to the party line in supporting the Communist Party of Czech Slavia above the Socialist Republican Party, I do not necessarily oppose the Socialist Republican Party, merely believe that it has made mistakes and has enforced party discipline strongly enough; I certainly do not believe that it has brought, or intends to bring, to Czech Slavia the capitalist system I described in the poem!"

"Perhaps the Minister did make a mistake, but I cannot see how he could have. It is easy to distinguish between the "her" of the poem - "Mother Capitalism," the embodiment of capitalism, the maternal figure that capitalists claim capitalism is but also the cruel figure that capitalism in reality is - and the President of Czech Slavia, who, despite having made many mistakes, continues to provide strong leadership for her country, trying as best as she can to develop socialism there. It is even easier to see that the conditions described better fit the Czech lands before socialism, falling victim to consumerism and imperialism, represented by the yellow land and the plastic woman, than they do now. It is certainly a possibility that the Czech Minister of Culture indeed believes that the estimable President of Czech Slavia is similar to the embodiment of capitalism, and that he also believes that Czech Slavia is descending into the capitalism I have described, but let us hope that this is not true. Regardless, it is unfortunate that the Czech Ministry of Culture has interpreted my poem in such a way, and I do hope that they come to their senses. I'm sure that they do not want to send any more death threats - I certainly don't want to receive any more!"

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Government abandons constitutional project, calls for establishment of EU transitional authority to oversee elections to constituent assembly, rebuild state apparatus

For the past few months, true governance was absent in Istkalen. The civil service and bureaucracy had been gutted during the war; the establishment of the occupation effectively stopped any and all attempts to reconstruct it. The J-TAI itself was virtually unable to administer the country except in sudden convulsions of force, and even then could not pursue any definite policy aims; the Republic, on the other hand, relied almost entirely on organized vigilante justice in order to retain what little power it had. It did pursue a policy of radical social and economic reform, yes - but that was more or less and endorsement of a process that had begun with the fall of the Social Democratic government on the 18th of April.

There was nothing, then, but organized violence. Stirred up by clergy, instructed by the government through the Religion Council of the Republic of Istkalen, the only institution to survive the war relatively unscathed as a result of its importance in regards to control over society, to tell people that support for the J-TAI was an automatic ticket to the worst of tortures in hell, as well as that support for J-TAI was anything outside of active opposition to it, as well as by other organizations which participated in the institutions of the Republic, including the Women's Association and the Cultural Association of Istkalen, the people of Istkalen protested and resisted, often with violence. Supporters of the J-TAI were subject to extreme public harassment.

In one case, the staff of a local news agency, which published an article in support of the occupation, were forcibly laid off by order of the municipal government, before being stripped of their ability to work in the journalism sector, an action that was later extended to virtually everything except work that did not require a license to engage in on a professional basis - that is, manual labor. In another, a group of teachers who students claimed were supporters of the J-TAI were brought before an assembly of town residents, who proceeded to shout and scream at them for over ten hours. Their faces were placed on posters, labeled "TRAITORS TO THE NATION" and posted around the town. They were systematically denied service by virtually all business operating in the town, and their homes picketed daily. All eventually left because of the level of hostility displayed towards them. In one of the most egregious cases, a rural People's Committee decided that suspected J-TAI supporters were to have to carry bells with them, shaking them and shouting "Unclean! Unclean! Unclean!" so that people would avoid them, in a punishment taken directly from the Bible.

Alongside with the wave of "revolution" that swept across Istkalen in the initial month after the end of the war, which included the trying of thousands before what were little more than kangaroo "traditional" courts for "crimes against morality," "crimes against dignity," 'introducing foreign elements into the sacred culture of the nation, and "denying the people their rightful livelihoods," as well as a program of wealth redistribution fueled by vigilantism implicitly encouraged by People's Committees across the country, this was what passed for governance in Istkalen.

It is no surprise, then, that the Republic has abandoned its constitutional project. While the state of the civil service and bureaucracy is slightly better than it was at the beginning of the occupation, both remain severely underdeveloped. Without the "National Union" - the nationalist vigilantism that has upheld whatever remains of Istkalen's sovereignty over the past few months - they would be completely unable to administer the country. To push forwards with a new constitution would be pure folly; the country is already showing signs of disintegrating as the J-TAI appears to be readying itself for a withdrawal, which is predicted by most to end fully in May of next year, with the insanity of the Northern Radio continuing to go unchecked in the north and hysteria there getting worse and worse day by day. It was just yesterday that the rest of the country received news about a riot over illicit tomatoes; just last week that the Northern Radio denounced the current government as a "hive of Vards, who wear the skin of pure Istkaleners in order to hunt us down and eat us bloodily." With these conditions, a genuine constitution would be unenforceable; its passage, on the other hand, would create shockwaves enough to cause the total collapse of the Republic.

In lieu of the planned transition, however, the government has planned something far more radical.

"Upon the end of the occupation," said President Ikomar from exile in Spain, "the Government of the Republic of Istkalen will officially initiate a motion in the European Council to establish a transitional authority in our country. Our transition has failed; we possess neither the power nor the institutions to effect it. We must now turn to the European Union for aid, so that we may see the rehabilitation and restoration of our homeland."

The plan is for the European Union to manage government for between three months and a year. An interim "legislature," operating on the basis of consensus, would be established in the country, with one representative from each participating member of the European Union, including Istkalen; the present government of Istkalen would remain in place, with the same powers it has now, although it would be subject to "parliamentary" confidence. The primary responsibilities of the interim "legislature" would be to establish stable institutions of government and hold elections to a national constituent assembly, which would draft a new constitution. Upon the stable establishment of the new constitution, of stable government in general, and of peace, the legislature would be dissolved and full government would be handed to the people of Istkalen under the constitution they themselves developed.

The plan is surprisingly popular, likely because it preserves Istkalen's sovereignty, to an extent, and does not involve the imperialization of the country. Many believe it may be the best possible path, as it could result in the end of sanctions against Istkalen.

Updates will be forthcoming.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Koline pushes through project of reform as slow disintegration of the country continues

Minister of Finance Iskiris Koline, the longest serving finance minister in the history of Istkalen, in her fourth nonconsecutive term in that position, has spearheaded a radical and broad project for economic reform. Her focus, unlike many of her colleagues in government, is not on the structure of the economy. Despite her membership in the Radical Democratic Party, she has not pushed for the abolition of the producers' committees or even the much more controversial state occupational unions, although she has lent support for the ongoing attempt to reform these institutions as to abolish "feudal" hierarchies within them. She has instead attempted to return to the economy of the 1990s, amid internal chaos and the imposition of sanctions on Istkalen by Inimicus, Nofoaga, and Gadalland and Aspern, seeking partial deregulation combined with a strong commitment to the "traditional" organization of Istkalen's economy - the oft-mentioned "society of free craftsmen" or "society of free producers" - alongside the creation of temporary state-controlled "collectives," under the supervision of national or regional producers' committees, with loose economic plans for development uniting the whole. More controversially, Koline intends to place tariffs on foreign imports into Istkalen, especially on industrial materials, most notably steel and glass, while using deficit spending to invest massively into the development of industry to replace exports in the country. The primary goal of this program is to increase and augment employment while making Istkalen self-dependent and, eventually, a net exporter of goods.

Fiscally, the plan is to increase revenue as much as possible. Income taxes are to be raised for the very wealthy, while decreased or maintained at their present level for everyone else, from a flat tax of 20%. This is, however, to be accompanied by the implementation of what would be one of the highest VATs in Europe, at 25%, with exemptions made for certain goods and services considered essential, although municipal sales taxes have been ordered reduced to below 4%. Social taxes will also be raised, from presently 30% for the self-employed and, in collectives, 15% for individuals and 18% for the whole collective, to 35% for the self-employed and, in collectives, 20% for individuals and another 20% for the whole collective. The hated tax-in-kind will be maintained, primarily because of a continued inability on the part of the state to track economic activity, although it will be reduced in scope due to the continued expansion of banking and the so-called "digital Ketsel" introduced in 2019. The expectation is that this will reduce consumption of "foreign" luxury goods, while at the same time raising revenue for the Republic, which throughout the previous year was dependent almost entirely on what little money was sent "upwards" from People's Committees, which sporadically collected taxes as to fund their own operations and regional cooperation, allowing for the maintenance of the expansive welfare state amid the plan to increase spending as for development while not pushing the Republic into unmanageable debt.

Koline has also planned, with the support of the Central Bank of the Republic of Istkalen, a crackdown on the usage of promissory notes as private currency in the countryside, with the argument that it is stagnating economic progress in Istkalen by hampering the progress that banks can make in the area, largely by making operation extremely risky.

The primary effect of this reform has been the removal of the economic controls imposed by Kerel, although the welfare state that he created has remained largely untouched, as well as the increased involvement of the producers' committees at all levels of government, with, unlike even uner the most extreme phase of the shortlived Kerel government, all control over the economy vested in them, with the People's Committees playing no role whatsoever in them. Koline has referred to this, at varying times, as "self-government for the economy, "rational democracy in planning," Neither investment or taxation reforms have gone into place; even previous development programs have been halted, due to concerns over the burgeoning debt. More importantly, however, the reforms regarding promissory notes have caused unrest, with many arguing that without them, there would be no way to conduct trade due to the undeveloped state of financial infrastructure in the region. For the first time, protests are to be held against the Republic, perhaps a sign that it is stabilizing as a regular democracy, perhaps a sign that it is disintegrating.

Other controversies have arisen. Many have accused Koline of being hypocritical for arguing against ISI just a few months ago, while now advocating for it in her own country; she has responded by saying that "conditions in Istkalen are unique and not present elsewhere; regardless, I would not imagine taking money from the European Union to finance this endeavor." She has convinced very few of this argument, although she remains popular due to her acumen, now near-absent in the country as many have fled or gone underground. Others believe that the reforms are a waste of time, especially as food insecurity looms over the horizon, with crop failures across the country as a result of the volcanic eruption in Nofoaga and the extreme economic disruption caused by the war and later civil resistance,and that the government should be focusing more on ensuring that all are fed rather than on "abstract" economic reforms.

Still others argue that the reforms are an attempt to seize power from the People's Committees, which have become increasingly independent from the state as tensions and radicalism grow in the country; others argue that while they indeed are such a seizure, they do not go far enough, as the People's Committees have grown too radical and thus have become a threat to democracy and stability.

The most pressing question, however, is not of intent, nor of effects, nor of necessity. It is simply enforcement. With the state crumbling, and the J-TAI looming over the horizons, there is no way to actually implement the reforms fully apart from that which has already been implemented, simply because they are not popular enough to be made "active" through the "National Union," or, in other words, through pure vigilantism - something especially true given that the government has effectively lost control over the North to the Northern Radio, with the last institutions loyal to it - the producers' committees - largely in hiding. This is especially true given the even less popular reforms pushed regarding justice and law enforcement reform, which seek to control both as a result of their "wildness" over the past few months and force them into things approaching the institutions of a liberal democracy, which have been entirely ignored and have probably significantly reduced trust in the central government by the People's Committees.

On top of that, the J-TAI continues to loom over the horizon; there are again new rumors that, despite Inquistan recognition, which may in any case be revoked, the Republic will be dissolved, this time not merely the central government but genuinely local government as well. Such a thing would not merely leave the reforms unenforceable but would leave the country entirely paralyzed.

Regardless of what happens, these reforms and the reaction to them illustrate more clearly than ever that Istkalen is truly at a crossroads. Should it take the path to integration, or should it continue as it was, an isolated pariah state? Only time will tell which it will choose.

[Istkalen]

Istkalen Information Service: Producers' committees force calling of constituent assembly

In an emergency, evidently pre-planned meeting, the producers' committees voted to force the calling of a constituent assembly, citing "the deteriorating conditions in the Republic," as well as the "the failure of the present Basic Law to uphold the principles of republican government in Istkalen." The meeting, which lasted five hours, was denounced as a coup by several members of the cabinet, and was certainly illegal, as no provision for it exists in the interim, or "Basic," constitutional law of Istkalen; however, widespread popular support for the move, especially after the centrist turn of the present government, effectively forced its implementation.

The constituent assembly shall be formed of 700 delegates, 690 elected by proportional representation from 20 electoral districts, 5 appointed by the German Self-Government Council, 4 by the Turkic People's Self-Government Council, and 1 by the Finnic People's Self-Government Council. Only member-parties of the National Front may contest the election.

Upon taking office, the assembly will be the first in Istkalen to be elected according to any protocol approaching true proportionality. The legislative election of 1910 operated on the principle of equal representation for the 19 administrative districts of Istkalen, which varied significantly in population; all elections further on operated on an estatist (1911 - 1930, 1983-1985, 2002-2008, 2010-2021), syndicalist (1930-1959, 1985-1996, 2008-2010), or corporatist (1959-1983) model, all of which resulted in significant distortions between the popular feeling and the actual constitution of the elected legislature.

The hope of the producers' committees is that by holding an election which returns a legislature in line with the beliefs of the people, the existing tension in Istkalen between the People's Committees, the producers' committees, and the cabinet will be resolved.

Most parties have already prepared lists, as they were previously prepared to contest the planned elections to a constituent assembly that were to be held in June, but were cancelled by the Ikomar government due to instability. All parties presently polling above 5% are presented here.

Party	Ideology and Position	Symbol
Communist Party of Istkalen	A far-left to center-left party, the Communist Party of Istkalen includes most of the Marxist left, from "revisionist" social democrats to hardline communists, united only around a willingness to participate in electoral politics, distinguishing them from the Party of Labor, which was unwilling to and collapsed with the coup of 13 April. While moderate communists dominate the Party's leadership, its platform is vague and incorporates positions from the whole of the spectrum it represents, although it is considered in favor of nationalization of the economy and the creation of a decentralized, parliamentary model, which it terms the "model of the soviets," to manage it. The party is strongly anti-imperialist and for the creation of a multi-party democracy, which has made it popular in these times; more controversially, it has argued for the abolition of legal marriage and its replacement with "cohabitation," as well as the expansion of social services as to shift responsibility from the family to the state. It has, however, no experience in governance, except for a short period in 2002 which it spent as a member of a national unity government and now in 2021 where it plays a similar role
National Republican Party of Istkalen	The National Republican Party, a left-wing to centrist party whose official ideology is Liresian Democracy, (Liresianism is the majority religion in Istkalen) began as the center-left "Republican Movement of National Unity" in 1915, and entered government as the "Common People's Union" in 1930, staging a coup against the monarchy in 1946 and establishing a short-lived coalition government with the anti-electoral communist Party of Labor before ascending to uncontested power, where it would begin a radical policy of land and industrial reform, distributing land among individual farmers and state-recognized unions, while nationalizing or handing over to unions many mines and factories, while continuing to allow for private influence in the economy, largely in the form of individual, "dual," cooperative, and family proprietorships and businesses. It also, however, pursued a Westernizing and conservative social policy, encouraging the formation of traditional families while at the same time arguing for equality between women and men, mimicking more conservative communist parties. More unusually, it sought to strengthen the "partnership of labor" while highlighting the "traditional" role of women in the household while claiming all of this, at the same time imposing a policy of laicitism, causing many to accuse it and continue to accuse it of instability.The National Republican Party, during the years of "national" social democracy, moved significantly to the right under the leadership of Akem Linek, endorsing an economically liberal, national conservative, and authoritarian ideology, but, with his departure, has moved back to its roots. The party has significant experience in governance; with its turn back to the left, as well as its moderation on cultural matters, especially on LGBT+ rights, support for which has effectively become a prerequisite for membership in the National Front due to perceived international pressure, it has experienced a resurgence in popularity and trust.
Istkalener Agrarian Union	The Agrarian Union, a syncretic party, stands primarily for decentralization and the restoration of the what it claims to be a traditional economy of "free producers" - that is, of sole and dual proprietorships, as well as cooperative and family business, complemented by the widespread existence of mutual-aid groups, organized through well-established syndicates on the National Republican model. The Union is strongly opposed to nationalization and socialization, although not state intervention in the economy, and seeks a society where individuals are, in the words of its own platform, "free to pursue their own paths," but also have "responsibilities to society." It especially tries to advocate for smallholders, who it argues form the backbone of Istkalen's society and economy, as well as protect the environment, and argues for relaxed taxes and regulations on them in coordination with the imposition of tariffs on those products which they create. Socially, they are strongly in support of the subordination of the family to the partnership of labor, although they argue that both "create the social life of the nation. The Agrarian Union governed as an unofficial coalition partner to the National Republicans after the removal of the Party of Labor from government, its members officially listed as "independents," and thus is considered to have some experience in governing, but has continued to struggle to move beyond its rural base.
Green Party of Istkalen	The Green Party is a new party, which has gained significant popularity for its unorthodox politics and since the ascension of member Vistek Rikkalek to first the position of Emperor and second the position of Prime Minister. It seeks, primarily, the abolition of both producers' committees and estates for a "occupational union," or guild, based form of representation. The Green Party, unlike the Union Party, believes strongly in the natural equality of all people; however, it believes that, because of the royalist period of Relem, the partnership of labor has become the dominant partnership in the country, and thus that it, rather than the family, should be the center of society. This necessarily entails the adoption of a policy of radical "free love," alongside one protecting the "sanctity" of the partnership of labor against "foreign influences,' leading to them having been labeled both as conservative and progressive. Economically, their policy is similar to that of the Istkalener Agrarian Union; however, they are only for dual partnerships, and cooperation of said partnerships through the state occupational unions. They are focused on promoting traditional forms of production as superior, including crafts and smallholder agriculture, arguing that both do more to preserve both "humanity" and "the environment" in production, while at the same time believing that the state should do more to try to modernize and make more efficient both. They have little experience in governance, but, in the few portfolios given to them in the present cabinet as well as in the actions of the Prime Minister, have already shown themselves to be highly competent.
Istkalener Solidarity Party	The Solidarity Party is a syncretic political party which emerged in 1959 as a faction of the National Republican Party seeking liberalization of the economy on communitarian lines. They allowed for the establishment of small business, and were in the favor of the creation of a "petite bourgeoisie," but were also protectionist and strongly against the formation of anything beyond medium-sized companies. Nationalized enterprises were privatized; those under the control of the unions were either given to individuals or split off as cooperatives. Business sectors were represented in "horizontal" syndicates, which sought to represent all possible class interests and merge them in the context of a profession, while also facilitating economic cooperation and, in some cases, going as far as to issue economic plans. This organization was denounced as fascist, and indeed the Solidarity Partyat some point admitted to having borrowed the policy from the far-right; however, it combined with this a strong commitment to decentralization of power, democratization, and social progressivism. The Solidarity Party continues to hold to these same principles today; despite its policies having led to a disastrous period in Istkalen's history culminating in the reaction of Tiraki, it has experienced a recent resurgence in support due to its synthesis of Western and Istkalener ideas.
Radical Democratic Party of Istkalen	The Radical Democratic Party of Istkalen is a centrist, liberal party which argues for widespread privatization, reduction in taxes, and openness to foreign investment. Some have gone so far as to label it as libertarian, due to its lax position on the economy and on social matters; it has rejected this label, arguing that it is in support of a state-role in the economy, largely in ensuring a free market, as well as rights social and economic for workers. Initially a minor party, it has become popular among professionals with the ascendancy of Liros Ikomar to the Presidency, as well as for its advocacy for the establishment of a parliamentary system in the country, both of which are seen as stabilizing. However, the Radical Democratic Party, prior to Liros Ikomar, and, more importantly, the institution of the national unity government, has had no experience governing, and what little it has seen has been characterized by instability, which has driven many Istkaleners away from it.
Union Party of the Istkalener People	The Union Party is a center-right to right wing party, in favor of the establishment of an estatist system of representation and the restoration of the quasi-guild system that existed under the Social Democrats. They are highly technocratic, arguing that only "experts" must be able to ascend to any form of public office, and believing in a rationalized and planned economy with market characteristics as a way to increase efficiency. Socially, they are highly conservative, arguing that only men, or women who are man-like in temperment, should be able to work, with women relegated to the household, and "below" even the "husband's" partner in the so-called "partnership of labor." While this is a position somewhat similar to those of the National Republican Party and the Istkalener Agrarian Union, both of these parties are open to other forms of relationships and only highlight this, in the modern day, in the argument that the state must allow "one parent," without specifying gender, to take a role in the home rather than work as to support children. Their only experiment in governance was with Kerel, and was by large an unstable failure characterized by their inability to consolidate power over Istkalen, combined with extreme hypocrisy and general insanity. Support for them has rapidly declined; while it has stabilized, it is possible they may not make the 5% threshold.