Renewed Sanction Motion Against the USNR
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Council Tusk, all I have to say to you is your confidence in the security of your country's sovereignty is misplaced if you think that this bill does not pose a serious threat to every nation's ability to exercise its own sovereignty. It is shocking how much many nations in this Union are willing to give up their own freedom to suppress others' rights to recognize who they please. This isn't a matter of weakening the UNSR, this is a matter of what Europe we want.
Tony Odhinazen
EU Councilor, Ruthund -
Colleagues, I think that the best approach we should do to end the UNSR crisis is to negotiate with them before we add sanctions. We should approach them diplomatically, but not that we recognize them as a state. The problem with the EU is it's not doing it's best for Icholasen to return back to it's original home and now they're complaining that Copala City's Autonomy had been removed. So what's wrong with the EU? It seems to be trying to expand Icholasen's territory by stealing the territory of it's members. And now they're starting that by not negotiating with the UNSR for a peaceful co-existence and then complaining about the Internal Policies of it's members.
People, the point here is that the sanctions simply is there to put pressure on the so-called "UNSR". However, we are not giving out demands that they must meet. Technically there's no point of sanctioning them if there's nothing they should exactly do in order to remove the sanctions.
Yuridiana Yahontov
Interim Deputy Councilor, Kingdom of Reitzmag -
Cllr. Yahontov, I think it's fine and even normal to complain about the removed autonomy of Copala City. Not only because your country has been able to prove the many Copalan secessionist arguments Mr. Maxwells and his cabinet have been giving during these months, but also because Reitzmag first ordered the suspension for a matter of national security which was then handled and exemplary solved by the Copalan Government, but now and taking advantage of these situation, without revocking the measures, they have removed the autonomy of the only territory which was left for the Nicoleizians to governate theirselves! How can you pretend we, Councillors, don't speak about this here in Europe?
But that's not today's matter, so I won't divert that much from the topic. I agree with you, and this is pretty historical, because I had never agreed with your colleague Cllr. van Allen, that we should approach to them diplomatically, not recognising them as a state though. It is not just the most wise solution to the conflict, but also the most peaceful. Sadly, some countries seem to be against any and all kinds of diplomacy and even against socialist parties, a good time to say in this chamber that the massive arrests in the United Duchies are really concerning, and I hope I can have a private meeting with the Duchian Councillor to talk about them.
But Deputy Councillor Yahontov, are your feelings for the Nicoleizians really true? At the same time your country offered them a temporary home, Reitzmag was aiming for a military alliance and a Commission vote for Atty. Winston. Now, you say the European Union "seems to be trying to expand Icholasen's territory by stealing the territory of it's members. And now they're starting that by not negotiating with the UNSR for a peaceful co-existence and then complaining about the Internal Policies of it's members." How on Earth can we pretend to believe this absurd statement, Ms. Yahontov? The European Union isn't against anybody, so I ask you to stop spreading conspiracy theories, if we want the Union to finally leave these cumulonimbus of crisis and scandals we have been living here for the last year. The European Union would never try to steal others' territory, and furthermore, I think Reitzmag is guilty about what Reitzmag does, same with any other country here: if you gift a piece of land with several loopholes on a Treaty, it's clear to see what will happen.
All I'm asking to Reitzmag and of course you, Ms. Yahontov, is very simple: honesty with the Nicoleizian and the Copalan people. They don't deserve to suffer more betrayals, more slanders, but a responsible government being honest to them. I hope that now Mr. Brodges seems to have changed his behaviour, he thinks about this once again.
Donald Tusk
Deputy Speaker and Councillor for Spain -
Debate is now closed. It is time to vote on amendments. Voting on amendments will last until 22:03 GMT on April 11th, 2021.
There are 12 amendments, all of them proposed by Cllr. Anja Mauer:
Amendment I - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
H, or h, is the eighth letter in the ISO basic Latin alphabet. Its name in English is aitch (pronounced /ˈeɪtʃ/, plural aitches), or regionally haitch /ˈheɪtʃ/.
The original Semitic letter Heth most likely represented the voiceless pharyngeal fricative (ħ). The form of the letter probably stood for a fence or posts.
The Greek eta 'Η' in Archaic Greek alphabets still represented /h/ (later on it came to represent a long vowel, /ɛː/). In this context, the letter eta is also known as heta to underline this fact. Thus, in the Old Italic alphabets, the letter heta of the Euboean alphabet was adopted with its original sound value /h/.
While Etruscan and Latin had /h/ as a phoneme, almost all Romance languages lost the sound—Romanian later re-borrowed the /h/ phoneme from its neighbouring Slavic languages, and Spanish developed a secondary /h/ from /f/, before losing it again; various Spanish dialects have developed [h] as an allophone of /s/ or /x/ in most Spanish-speaking countries, and various dialects of Portuguese use it as an allophone of /ʀ/. 'H' is also used in many spelling systems in digraphs and trigraphs, such as 'ch', which represents /tʃ/ in Spanish, Galician, Old Portuguese and English, /ʃ/ in French and modern Portuguese, /k/ in Italian, French and English, /x/ in German, Czech, Polish, Slovak, one native word of English and a few loanwords into English, and /ç/ in German.
For most English speakers, the name for the letter is pronounced as /eɪtʃ/ and spelled "aitch"[1] or occasionally "eitch". The pronunciation /heɪtʃ/ and the associated spelling "haitch" is often considered to be h-adding and is considered nonstandard in England.[2] It is, however, a feature of Hiberno-English,[3] as well as scattered varieties of Edinburgh, England, and Welsh English,[4] and in Australia and Nova Scotia.
The perceived name of the letter affects the choice of indefinite article before initialisms beginning with H: for example "an H-bomb" or "a H-bomb". The pronunciation /heɪtʃ/ may be a hypercorrection formed by analogy with the names of the other letters of the alphabet, most of which include the sound they represent.[5]
The haitch pronunciation of h has spread in English-speaking countries, being used by approximately 24% of native-born English speakers born since 1982,[6] and polls continue to show this pronunciation becoming more common among younger native speakers. Despite this increasing number, the pronunciation without the /h/ sound is still considered to be standard in English, although the pronunciation with /h/ is also attested as a legitimate variant.[2]
Authorities disagree about the history of the letter's name. The Oxford English Dictionary says the original name of the letter was [ˈaha] in Latin; this became [ˈaka] in Vulgar Latin, passed into English via Old French [atʃ], and by Middle English was pronounced [aːtʃ]. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language derives it from French hache from Latin haca or hic. Anatoly Liberman suggests a conflation of two obsolete orderings of the alphabet, one with H immediately followed by K and the other without any K: reciting the former's ..., H, K, L,... as [...(h)a ka el ...] when reinterpreted for the latter ..., H, L,... would imply a pronunciation [(h)a ka] for H.[7]
English
In English, ⟨h⟩ occurs as a single-letter grapheme (being either silent or representing the voiceless glottal fricative (/h/) and in various digraphs, such as ⟨ch⟩ /tʃ/, /ʃ/, /k/, or /x/), ⟨gh⟩ (silent, /ɡ/, /k/, /p/, or /f/), ⟨ph⟩ (/f/), ⟨rh⟩ (/r/), ⟨sh⟩ (/ʃ/), ⟨th⟩ (/θ/ or /ð/), ⟨wh⟩ (/hw/[8]). The letter is silent in a syllable rime, as in ah, ohm, dahlia, cheetah, pooh-poohed, as well as in certain other words (mostly of French origin) such as hour, honest, herb (in American but not British English) and vehicle (in certain varieties of English). Initial /h/ is often not pronounced in the weak form of some function words including had, has, have, he, her, him, his, and in some varieties of English (including most regional dialects of England and Wales) it is often omitted in all words (see '⟨h⟩'-dropping). It was formerly common for an rather than a to be used as the indefinite article before a word beginning with /h/ in an unstressed syllable, as in "an historian", but use of a is now more usual (see English articles § Indefinite article). In English, The pronunciation of ⟨h⟩ as /h/ can be analyzed as a voiceless vowel. That is, when the phoneme /h/ precedes a vowel, /h/ may be realized as a voiceless version of the subsequent vowel. For example the word ⟨hit⟩, /hɪt/ is realized as [ɪ̥ɪt].[9] H is the eighth most frequently used letter in the English language (after S, N, I, O, A, T, and E), with a frequency of about 4.2% in words.[citation needed] When h is placed after certain other consonants, it modifies their pronunciation in various ways, e.g. for ch, gh, ph, sh and th.Other languages
In the German language, the name of the letter is pronounced /haː/. Following a vowel, it often silently indicates that the vowel is long: In the word erhöhen ('heighten'), the second ⟨h⟩ is mute for most speakers outside of Switzerland. In 1901, a spelling reform eliminated the silent ⟨h⟩ in nearly all instances of ⟨th⟩ in native German words such as thun ('to do') or Thür ('door'). It has been left unchanged in words derived from Greek, such as Theater ('theater') and Thron ('throne'), which continue to be spelled with ⟨th⟩ even after the last German spelling reform.In Spanish and Portuguese, ⟨h⟩ ("hache" in Spanish, pronounced ['atʃe], or agá in Portuguese, pronounced [aˈɣa] or [ɐˈɡa]) is a silent letter with no pronunciation, as in hijo [ˈixo] ('son') and húngaro [ˈũɡaɾu] ('Hungarian'). The spelling reflects an earlier pronunciation of the sound /h/. It is sometimes pronounced with the value [h], in some regions of Andalusia, Extremadura, Canarias, Cantabria and the Americas in the beginning of some words. ⟨h⟩ also appears in the digraph ⟨ch⟩, which represents /tʃ/ in Spanish and northern Portugal, and /ʃ/ in oral traditions that merged both sounds (the latter originarily represented by ⟨x⟩ instead) e.g. in most of the Portuguese language and some Spanish-speaking places, prominently Chile, as well as ⟨nh⟩ /ɲ/ and ⟨lh⟩ /ʎ/ in Portuguese, whose spelling is inherited from Occitan.
In French, the name of the letter is written as "ache" and pronounced /aʃ/. The French orthography classifies words that begin with this letter in two ways, one of which can affect the pronunciation, even though it is a silent letter either way. The H muet, or "mute" ⟨h⟩, is considered as though the letter were not there at all, so for example the singular definite article le or la, which is elided to l' before a vowel, elides before an H muet followed by a vowel. For example, le + hébergement becomes l'hébergement ('the accommodation'). The other kind of ⟨h⟩ is called h aspiré ("aspirated '⟨h⟩'", though it is not normally aspirated phonetically), and does not allow elision or liaison. For example in le homard ('the lobster') the article le remains unelided, and may be separated from the noun with a bit of a glottal stop. Most words that begin with an H muet come from Latin (honneur, homme) or from Greek through Latin (hécatombe), whereas most words beginning with an H aspiré come from Germanic (harpe, hareng) or non-Indo-European languages (harem, hamac, haricot); in some cases, an orthographic ⟨h⟩ was added to disambiguate the [v] and semivowel [ɥ] pronunciations before the introduction of the distinction between the letters ⟨v⟩ and ⟨u⟩: huit (from uit, ultimately from Latin octo), huître (from uistre, ultimately from Greek through Latin ostrea).
In Italian, ⟨h⟩ has no phonological value. Its most important uses are in the digraphs 'ch' /k/ and 'gh' /ɡ/, as well as to differentiate the spellings of certain short words that are homophones, for example some present tense forms of the verb avere ('to have') (such as hanno, 'they have', vs. anno, 'year'), and in short interjections (oh, ehi).
Some languages, including Czech, Slovak, Hungarian, and Finnish, use ⟨h⟩ as a breathy voiced glottal fricative [ɦ], often as an allophone of otherwise voiceless /h/ in a voiced environment.
In Hungarian, the letter has five independent pronunciations, perhaps more than in any other language, with an additional three uses as a productive and non-productive member of a digraph. H may represent /h/ as in the name of the Székely town Hargita; intervocalically it represents /ɦ/ as in "tehéz"; it represents /x/ in the word "doh"; it represents /ç/ in "ihlet"; and it is silent in "Cseh". As part of a diphthong, it represents, in archaic spelling, /t͡ʃ/ with the letter C as in the name "Széchényi; it represents, again, with the letter C, /x/ in "pech" (which is pronounced [pɛx]); in certain environments it breaks palatalization of a consonant, as in the name "Horthy" which is pronounced [hɔrti] (without the intervening H, the name "Horty" would be pronounced [hɔrc]); and finally, it acts as a silent component of a diphthong, as in the name "Vargha", pronounced [vɒrgɒ].
In Ukrainian and Belarusian, when written in the Latin alphabet, ⟨h⟩ is also commonly used for /ɦ/, which is otherwise written with the Cyrillic letter ⟨г⟩.
In Irish, ⟨h⟩ is not considered an independent letter, except for a very few non-native words, however ⟨h⟩ placed after a consonant is known as a "séimhiú" and indicates lenition of that consonant; ⟨h⟩ began to replace the original form of a séimhiú, a dot placed above the consonant, after the introduction of typewriters.
In most dialects of Polish, both ⟨h⟩ and the digraph ⟨ch⟩ always represent /x/.
In Basque, during the 20th century it was not used in the orthography of the Basque dialects in Spain but it marked an aspiration in the North-Eastern dialects. During the standardization of Basque in the 1970s, the compromise was reached that h would be accepted if it were the first consonant in a syllable. Hence, herri ("people") and etorri ("to come") were accepted instead of erri (Biscayan) and ethorri (Souletin). Speakers could pronounce the h or not. For the dialects lacking the aspiration, this meant a complication added to the standardized spelling.
Other systems
As a phonetic symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), it is used mainly for the so-called aspirations (fricative or trills), and variations of the plain letter are used to represent two sounds: the lowercase form ⟨h⟩ represents the voiceless glottal fricative, and the small capital form ⟨ʜ⟩ represents the voiceless epiglottal fricative (or trill). With a bar, minuscule ⟨ħ⟩ is used for a voiceless pharyngeal fricative. Specific to the IPA, a hooked ⟨ɦ⟩ is used for a voiced glottal fricative, and a superscript ⟨ʰ⟩ is used to represent aspiration.Descendants and related characters in the Latin alphabet
H with diacritics: Ĥ ĥ Ȟ ȟ Ħ ħ Ḩ ḩ Ⱨ ⱨ ẖ ẖ Ḥ ḥ Ḣ ḣ Ḧ ḧ Ḫ ḫ ꞕ
IPA-specific symbols related to H: ʜ ꟸ ɦ ʰ ʱ ɥ ᶣ[10]
ᴴ : Modifier letter H is used in the Uralic Phonetic Alphabet[11]
ₕ : Subscript small h was used in the Uralic Phonetic Alphabet prior to its formal standardization in 1902[12]
ʰ : Modifier letter small h is used in Indo-European studies[13]
ʮ and ʯ : Turned H with fishhook and turned H with fishhook and tail are used in Sino-Tibetanist linguistics[14]
Ƕ ƕ : Latin letter hwair, derived from a ligature of the digraph hv, and used to transliterate the Gothic letter 𐍈 (which represented the sound [hʷ])
Ⱶ ⱶ : Claudian letters[15]
Ꟶ ꟶ : Reversed half h used in Roman inscriptions from the Roman provinces of Gaul[16]
Ancestors, siblings and descendants in other alphabets
𐤇 : Semitic letter Heth, from which the following symbols derive
Η η : Greek letter Eta, from which the following symbols derive
𐌇 : Old Italic H, the ancestor of modern Latin H
ᚺ, ᚻ : Runic letter haglaz, which is probably a descendant of Old Italic H
Һ һ : Cyrillic letter Shha, which derives from Latin H
𐌷 : Gothic letter haal
Derived signs, symbols and abbreviations
h : Planck constant
ℏ : reduced Planck constant
{\displaystyle \mathbb {H} }\mathbb {H} : Blackboard bold capital H used in quaternion notation"Amendment II - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
"The Spanish Trade Union Organization (OSE),1commonly known as the Vertical Union or simply as a Trade UnionOrganization, it was the only trade union power plant that existed in Spain between 1940 and 1977,during the period of the Franco dictatorship. For nearly forty years it became the only legal union to be authorized. All workers and employers, who became known as "producers" in Franco's terminology, were required by law to be affiliated with the Vertical Union.1The Trade Union Organization was established after the end of the CivilWar, while previous trade union organizations such as the CNT anarchist and the socialist UGT were outlawed and went underground. Nor was this an impediment to clandestine organisations such as the Workers' Commissions or the Workers' Union infiltrating it amendment one section one economic sanctions member all states shall cease the export of after Franco's death and the beginning of the Transition, Adolfo Suárez's government decided to dissolve the Vertical Union, which by then was greatly affected by the infiltration of Workers' Commissions and the Workers' Union. However, the former trade union structure remained and was converted into the Institutional Administration of Socio-Professional Services (ISSA), a body that took over the immense documentary fund and real estate assets held by the Vertical Trade Unions. After the start of the Civil War in July 1936, from the outset the authorities of the rebel zone decreed the illegalization of the main class trade union organizations, as was the case with the anarchist National Labour Confederation (CNT) and the socialist General Union of Workers (UGT). In 1938 the Franco authorities promulgated the so-called Fuero del Trabajo,a legislative rule that, in imitation of the Italian fascist model and its Lavoro Charter,laid the foundation for state intervention in the world of work. It was from this legislation that the foundations were laid for the creation of a new trade union organization based on the corporatist model of a vertical union that grouped workers and employers into the same organization. The law of 30 January 1938 also created the Ministry of Trade Union Organization and Action, which from then on became the state agency responsible for labour and trade union issues.2 An antecedent of the Trade Union Organization was the National-Sindicalist Workers' Central (CONS) founded in 1935 by Falange Española de las JONS,although for much of its existence CONS had a very limited influence. After 1938, the OSE was the result of the merger of workers' organizations close to the Phalanx and employers' organizations, in order to organize workers, technicians and employers amendment two section one economic sanctions membe all states shall cease the export trade of within a single vertical structure, ideal similar to the fascist to achieve the industrial relations of a corporate state, in the face of the national syndicalist ideal of the Phalange that in theory seemed to be wanted to follow (and which was never applied). In it, all workers, called "producers", and their employers had the right to choose their representatives through elections. Although the Vertical Union began to have some activity from 1940, as a result of the laws passed that same year by the dictatorship, paradoxically it did not hold its first congress until March 1961.In the context of the first stage of the Franco regime (1939-1959), on 26 January 1940 the so-called Trade Union Unity Act was enacted which established that employers and workers would be integrated into a single trade union organization under the command of FET and JONS. The preamble to the law read: "Three are the principles that inspire the national organizationindicalist envisaged in the Labour Fuero, a faithful reflection of the political organization of the new State, namely unity, totality and hierarchy".3The new trade union organization would in turn be organized into branches of production, each of which would be called the National Union. On the other hand, geographical locations were called «National-Unionist Centrals». All of this was the "National-Trade Unionist Organization" envisaged by the Labour Fuero of 1938, although from the 1940s it began to be simply called the Trade Union Organization. From the outset it became clear that the state controlled the entire system. On 6 December 1940, with the enactment of the Law on The Basis of the Trade Union Organization, the forced affiliation of all workers and employers ("producers") in the trade union structure of the Regime under the principles of "verticality, unity, totality and hierarchy" became implicit.4As one of the leaders of the Trade Unions later stated, "vertical trade unions are not instruments of classist struggle. On the contrary, they place as the first of their aspirations, not the abolition of classes, which must always exist, but their harmonization and cooperation under the sign of the general interest of the Fatherland".4 One of the possible areas of trade union action, labour conflict, was closed as the Labour Force directly attributed to the State the competences in this area, for which Labour Magistratures were created that they had to resolve in the event of a failure of trade union conciliation.2 Gerardo Salvador Merino was one of the first hierarchies of the Trade Union Organization, at a time when trade unions were in the training phase. Salvador Merino was in favour of autonomy for the Trade Unions with respect to the General Secretariat of the "Movement" and the Franco apparatus, and hoped to be able to create a trade unionism that would constitute as a fundamental part of the regime.5In addition, Gerardo Salvador maintained a manifest German-phile stance and was a supporter of the model inspired by the German Labour Front. However, these political stances generated a large number of enemies within the Franco apparatus and in September 1941 he was relieved, defended by maneuvers in the shadow of his rivals. One of the reasons for his dismissal had been the pact he had signed on 21 August with the leader of the German Labour Front, Robert Ley,to send 100,000 workers to Germany, although the agreement would later be renegotiating and workers reduced to 15,000.6Manuel Valdés Larrañaga, an old shirt faithful to Franco, became the new strongman of the unions. Valdés carried out a reorganization of the internal structure of the trade unions, while imbuing them with a more conservative and religious character.7As a result of the new winds blowing, the until then rowdy unions became totally docile with power.8Theoretically, within the Trade Union, workers and employers were supposed to be in a similar situation, although strikes were prohibited and on many occasions conflicts with employers' management often ended with mass layoffs. This situation took place especially during the early years of the dictatorship, especially during the 1940s and 1950s.9The figure of the employer was reinforced by Franco's legislation and, in fact, workers were supposed to owe him full loyalty, assistance and protection to employers.9During the dictatorship, due to the corporatist system, the Unions sent several councillors to the Spanish Courts on behalf of the Trade Union Organization, but would later also send representatives ("procurators") to the National Council of the Movement and the Council of the Kingdom.10An election system for trade union links has been established from the outset, but candidates had to be affiliated with FET and JONS and were subject to strict control by the authorities. On the other hand, the entire electoral process was fiercely controlled from trade union headquarters. At this time women were totally excluded from the world of work and there was also no unemployment benefit system.The arrival of the 1960s marked the beginning of some openness within the SSO. Trade union elections have been held since 1944 to elect trade union representatives and delegates, and since 1954 it has ceased to be necessary to hold a FET and JONS card in order to participate in trade union elections.11It was not until after 1958, after the adoption of the Labour Conventions Act, which increased the interest and participation of workers in trade union representative elections. This was joined by a certain opening of the trade union apparatus in electoral processes, with less obstructionism of the regime towards unofficial candidacies. From the unionist apparatus there was even an attempt to attract former anarcho-syndicalist leaders into his bosom.12One of the architects of this timid opening was the trade union adviser José Solís Ruiz,who thus sought approval from the International Labour Organization (ILO). However, the National Information and Research Delegation had carte blanche to investigate the past of candidates for trade union elections and to oversee the electoral process itself.13 At that time, in the early 1960s, the then clandestine Communist Party of Spain (PCE) decided to implement a policy of infiltration into vertical trade unions, in theory, to achieve practical increases for workers' conditions. In reality, it was about taking advantage of the regime's structures to lead to its fall from within. From this came the so-called Workers' Commissions (CC.OO.), with prominent figures such as Marcelino Camacho. On the contrary, other clandestine trade unions such as UGT or CNT opposed this policy of infiltration, although in the case of other organizations such as the Christian-inspired Workers' Union (USO), they did support and participate in this policy of infiltration.These aperturistic measures failed to get the ILO to give its go-ahead, and to top it all off they ended up encountering the front opposition of the technocratic officials of the Franco administration. Although the Phalangist bureaucracy saw at the opening a possibility of expanding its bases among the workers, the experiment was a failure and by 1967-1968 it could be terminated.14In this context, Solís had no problem supporting the repression of Workers' Commissions during the state of emergency decreed in 1968.12This situation was maintained even after the adoption of the Trade Union Act of 1971, adopted 17 February of that year, which did not bring about any innovation within the Vertical Trade Unions and which for practical purposes constituted little more than a mere set of regulatory and/or administrative regulations.12On the contrary, trade union activity became dependent on the Ministry of Trade Union Relations. Despite the timid reforms undertaken by José Solís, the OSE never came to the approval of the International Labour Organization, and although the union maintained a time of détente with the ILO during the 1960s, this ended in 1969 after the international body published a report very critical of the employment and trade union situation in Spain that same year.12During the last years of the Franco dictatorship the trade union organization lost much of its previous strength, while illegal trade unions (especially CC.OO. and USO) became increasingly strong. In fact, after Franco died and until the abolition of the SSO, most employers preferred to agree on agreements and business pacts with the representation of the clandestine trade union organizations than with the representatives of the SSO. Transition and After Franco's death, during the first months of 1976, opposition union forces undertook a major campaign of mobilizations and strikes totalling 17,731 strikes.15The extraordinary increase in labour conflict was due in particular to the 1973Oil Crisis, the effects of which would be felt over the next few years on the Spanish economy and society. There was also strong pressure from workers who openly demanded free and democratic trade union representation. With illegal trade union organizations become the main player in the labor struggle, the existence of vertical trade unions was further questioned. The political reform undertaken by government president Adolfo Suarez included the adoption of freedom of association: this in practice meant the death of Franco's Unions. Paradoxically, Adolfo Suarez had been Minister-Secretary-General of the Movement until his new appointment. On October 8, 1976, the Suarez government approved the creation of the Institutional Administration of Socioprofessional Services (ISSA), an autonomous body dependent on the presidency of the government in which the trade union structure was integrated.16The ISSA took over the ownership and management of trade union real estate and all its archives. On 1 April 1977, the right to trade union association was finally recognized, and a Royal Decree of 2 June of that same year extinguished compulsory trade union membership.17Shortly after the dissolution, many of the former employers who had been integrated into vertical trade unions became part of the Spanish Confederation of Business Organizations (CEOE).18A Royal Decree of 6 December declared the structures of the Vertical Union extinct.19The Law on the Transfer of Assets of the Accumulated Trade Union Heritage, aims to solve two problems: the ownership of the goods and rights from the old Trade Union Organization and the other Trade Union Entities prior to the new constitutional system and the seizure of the assets of the Trade Union Organizations as a result of the Spanish civil war. A former director of the Vertical Unions, Juan García Carrés,would later stand out for his partition in the failed coup d'etre of February 23, 1981.With the enactment of the Trade Union Classification Act on 23 June 1941, the trade union organization was structured, resulting in 24 national trade unions being created.20Subsequently, the number of trade unions increased to 26.21In 1941 it was organized as well:National Water, Gas and Electricity UnionNational Sugar UnionNational Banking and Stock Exchange UnionNational Grain UnionNational Fuel UnionNational Clothing UnionNationalConstruction UnionNational Show UnionNational Union of Fruits and Horticultural ProductsNational Livestock UnionNational Hospitality and Similar UnionNational Chemical Industries UnionNational Wood and Cork UnionNational Metal UnionNational Olive UnionNational Trade Union on Paper, Press and Graphic ArtsNational Fisheries UnionNational Skin UnionNational Colonial Products UnionNational InsuranceUnionNational Textile UnionNational Transport and Communications UnionNational Vine, Beers and Beverages UnionNational Glass and Ceramics UnionSubsequently, the Textile and Clothing Unions would merge, creating the National Textile and Clothing Union.Throughout its existence, the Trade Union Organization had a large bureaucratic fabric and had a number of organizations through which it performed its "social" functions. Many of these were so-called "Trade Union Works", of an healthcare nature and focused on different areas: the"Trade UnionWork of the Home" ( promotion of housing for workers), the «Trade Union Work 18 de Julio» — health care – or the Work « Education andRest».22toThe latter trade union work, "Education and Rest" (EyD), was a recreational organization that had been created by the Franco regime2425EyD was the most important and successful of all the organizations available to Franco's vertical unions. Education and Rest offered workers a wide range of sociocultural activities (theatres, folk music, musical choirs...) as well as sporting events and physical education activities. There was a network of cultural centres for EyD members, which included holiday homes and sports centres.24Vertical Trade Unions even came to have their own media communication bodies. In the journalistic field they had the newspaper Pueblo,founded in the mid-1940s and which eventually became one of the most important newspapers in Franco's Spain.26In the radio field was the Union Broadcasting Chain (CES), established in 1953, which constituted a group of different radio stations that belonged to the trade union structure.27In Spain during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, the trade union organization started from the local sphere and from the units or cells of work.SchemaNational Delegation of Trade Unions:National trade unions.National Brotherhood Board.National Trade Union Centres:Provincial Delegations of Trade Unions.Official Chamber of Agricultural Trade Union.Regional Trade Union Delegations:Artisan Guilds.Fishermen's Guilds.Business Unions.Mixed Entities.Union Brotherhoods of the Field.Local Trade Union Delegation.Artisan Guilds.Fishermen'sGuilds.Business Unions.Mixed Entities.Union Brotherhood of Labradors and RanchersCompanies - peasant families - fishing families - artisans - independent producers."
Amendment III - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section II. Diplomatic Sanctions
Except in the case of refugee applications, no visas to citizens of the UNSR shall be extended by any member state.Visas to citizens of the UNSR who are concurrently citizens of the United Dominions of Icholasen can be extended at the discretion of any member-state. Visas to naturalized citizens of the UNSR may be extended, still under the discretion of any member-state only for the purposes of asylum, refugee application, diplomacy, the visiting of family, journalism, education, and professional research, or as according to other purposes that a nation's culture or entrenched political institutions - that is, institutions which have taken up a cultural role and are considered by the population to be integral parts of a nation or member-state.
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Amendment IV - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section II. Diplomatic Sanctions
Except in the case of refugee applications, no visas to citizens of the UNSR shall be extended by any member state.Visas to citizens of the UNSR who are concurrently citizens of the United Dominions of Icholasen can be extended at the discretion of any member-state. Visas to citizens of the UNSR who do not fall into this category may be extended, still under the discretion of any member-state only for the purposes of asylum, refugee application, diplomacy, the visiting of family, journalism, education, and professional research.
Amendment V - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section II. Diplomatic Sanctions
Except in the case of refugee applications, no visas to citizens of the UNSR shall be extended by any member state.Visas to citizens of the UNSR can be extended at the discretion of any member-state only for the purposes of asylum, refugee application, diplomacy, the visiting of family, journalism, education, and professional research, or as according to other purposes that a nation's culture or entrenched political institutions - that is, institutions which have taken up a cultural role or are considered by the population to be integral parts of a nation or member-state.
Amendment VI - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section II. Diplomatic Sanctions
Except in the case of refugee applications, no visas to citizens of the UNSR shall be extended by any member state.Visas to citizens of the UNSR can be extended at the discretion of any member-state only for the purposes of asylum, refugee application, diplomacy, the visiting of family, journalism, education, and professional research.
Amendment VII - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply to the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.It is recognized that the aforementioned individuals are possibly complicit, as members of the government of the Union of Nicoleizian Socialist Republics, in the committing of crimes against humanity. Due to the extenuating circumstances present currently, however, no specific course of action is recommended by the institutions of the European Union. If the decision is made to arrest and try these individuals, the Union recommends but does not mandate that as the alleged crimes against humanity took place in the territory recognized as being that of the United Dominions of Icholasen by this Union, a final ruling should be made by the institutions of the United Dominions of Icholasen.Amendment VIII - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply to the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.It is recognized that the aforementioned individuals are likely complicit, as officials of the Union of Nicoleizian Socialist Republics, in the committing of crimes against humanity, among other crimes directed at general groupings of individuals that the organization known as the UNSR opposes or finds a threat. Due to the extenuating circumstances present currently, however, no specific course of action is recommended by the institutions of the European Union. If the decision is made to arrest and try these individuals, the Union recommends that as the alleged crimes against humanity took place in the territory recognized as being that of the United Dominions of Icholasen by this Union, a final ruling should be made by the institutions of the United Dominions of Icholasen.Amendment IX - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply to
the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.all state officers of the Union of Nicoleizian Socialist Republics involved in its governance.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.It is recommended that assets of these individuals be seized as soon as practicable; however, this is to the discretion of the member-state. However, all assets that are clearly being used for militaristic or related purposes must be seized as soon as practicable.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.Amendment X - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply
to the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.all state officers of the Union of Nicoleizian Socialist Republics involved in its governance.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.It is recommended that assets of these individuals be seized as soon as practicable; however, this is to the discretion of the member-state. However, all assets that are clearly being used for militaristic or related purposes must be seized as soon as practicable. Member-states with strong cultural reasons to avoid doing so are exempted.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.Amendment XI - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply to the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.It is recommended that assets of these individuals be seized as soon as practicable; however, this is to the discretion of the member-state. However, all assets that are clearly being used for militaristic or related purposes must be seized as soon as practicable.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.Amendment XII - Proposed by Councillor Anja Mauer
Section III. Individual Sanctions
These sanctions apply to the following individuals: Michul Jirluchuz, Bernie Sanders, Jisuph Kaushuronu, Francoise Follin, Georgia Francis, any and all other ministers, presidents of individual Socialist Republics, any and all members of the UNSR politburo.
All assets held by the aforementioned individuals in member state shall be seized as soon as practicable.It is recommended that assets of these individuals be seized as soon as practicable; however, this is to the discretion of the member-state. However, all assets that are clearly being used for militaristic or related purposes must be seized as soon as practicable. Member-states with strong cultural reasons to avoid doing so are exempted.
If found in the territory of any member state, the aforementioned individuals are to be arrested and tried in the European Court of Justice on charges of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and crimes against peace.
As I consider this amendments part of a filibuster, I vote AGAINST all amendments.
Donald Tusk
Deputy Speaker and Councillor for Spain -
On behalf of United Duchies I vote AGAINST all ammendments
James Mizrachi-Roscoe , European Councillour of United Duchies -
I vote FOR Amendments IV, V, VI, XI, and XII and ABSTAIN on Amendments VII, VIII, IX, and X.
Tony Odhinazen
EU Councilor, Ruthund -
Here we go, but before, a speech, with words again taken from the novels of the renowed Mrs. Elizyabeth Yanne Strong-Anderson:
"“EVRY DAY> I ASK TO GOD: WHY I WAS ATTACKED BY THE LASER GUNS WHEN I GREW UP?? **THE ORGANIZED RULER OF DARKNESS: THE EVIL CITY MAYOR: WAS KEEPING RACISM IN THE > STREETS AND IT KEEP ME FROM BEING EMPLOY FOR 10 YEARS!! **THE LASER GUNS OF LUCIFAR!! **BUT IM THE HOLYSPIRIT DISCIPEL: I STAY STRONG FOR MY DAUTHERS> SO THEY DONT GROW UP TO BE DEMONIC DISCIPPLE. **THE SWORD OF GODS MOUTH WILL CRUSH:>>>THE NONBELIVERS.
*THE TRUTH IS> MY DAUTHERS GO TO SCHOOL AND HAVE A EVIL TEACHERS:> THEY MAKE THEM DO HOMMWORK. **WHY?? BECAUSE THEY ARE TEACHING THE EVIL WORKS OF DARWIN. **BUT THE TEACHRERS ARE NOT FILL OF THE: HOLYSPIRIT. THEY DONOT KNOW THAT THE TRUE REASON DARWIN WAS MAKING THE THOERIES OF EVULULTION. **HE BELIVED THE TRYANNROSARUS RIX WALKED AT> EARTH ONE MILION YEARS AGO. **THIS IS A LYE. **TAYRENROSUARAS RAX WAS SATAN IN DISGIUSE AS A DINESAUR:>> GOD SAY THE SERPANTS WAS THE EVIL LUCIFER AND LO I AM HERE TO SAVE YOU FROM THEM. ***DARWIN WAS THE SATAN: DISCIPLE. **HE WAS ALSO RACIST. **I TOOK MY DAUTHER OUT OF THE SCHOOL BECAUSE OF THIS EVIL!! **ITS NOT THE WAY OF GOD: AND NOT: THE GOOD WAY OF EDUCATION SUCCESS!! **THE DEVIL IS JEALOUS OF OUR CHRISTIAN LIFE AGAIN!! **"
Now of course, I strongly disagree with her on this, but I think her words are quite relevant here. I then must make the following comments about a defunct division of my own country, which of course is quite relevant, and needed for the understanding of the amendments:
Now for my votes:
I vote FOR Amendment I. The remainder of my votes will be delivered, one by one, after speeches in themselves, as to ensure that this body is fully able to understand my reasoning.
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Now, for my second vote. Before, a speech.
I vote FOR amendment II.
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Now, for my third vote. Before, a speech.
I vote FOR Amendment III.
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Now, for my fourth vote. Before, a speech.
I ABSTAIN on Amendment IV.
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I did not know that I was being disturbing, nor do I think that I was doing so. What I have said has been as concise and as professional as possible, and entirely necessary, in my own mind, as to ensure that the whole of this body understands my votes and my opinions regarding this motion. Now, for my fifth vote. Before, a speech.
I am FOR Amendment V, and thus vote for it.
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Cllr. Mauer, I would like to remember you about the Code of Conduct of the Council of the European Union 2019 Act, Section V, Article I: "I. The behaviour of Councillors shall be characterised by mutual respect, professionalism, understanding others’ perspectives, courtesy and acceptance of responsibility. It shall be based on the values and principles laid down in the basic texts on which the European Union is founded, respect the dignity of the Council and will not compromise the smooth conduct of council business or disturb the peace and quiet of any of the Council’s premises." and Article II of the same section: "II. The application of this Code shall in no way detract from the liveliness of Council debates nor undermine Members’ freedom of speech."
As the debate has ended, I please call you to respect the said Article content and just stick to the point, that means, the vote on amendments. If this attitudes continues I'll call you to order.
Donald Tusk
Deputy Speaker and Councillor for Spain -
I did not know that I was being disturbing, nor do I think that I was doing so. What I have said has been as concise and as professional as possible, and entirely necessary, in my own mind, as to ensure that the whole of this body understands my votes and my opinions regarding this motion. In any case, now, for my sixth vote, which shall be presented after a speech.
I ABSTAIN on Amendment VI.
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I vote FOR Amendment IV,
I vote FOR Amendment VI,
and
I vote FOR Amendment XI.I vote AGAINST Amendment I
I vote AGAINST Amendment II
I vote AGAINST Amendment III
I vote AGAINST Amendment V
I vote AGAINST Amendment VII
I vote AGAINST Amendment VIII,
I vote AGAINST Amendment IX,
I vote AGAINST Amendment X,
and
I vote AGAINST Amendment XII.Charles Michel
Council Speaker and Councilor for Fremet
((OOC: Edited to include Amendment XI))
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I call you to order, Cllr. Mauer, and I'll have order in this chamber. You have had quite a lot of time to explain your thoughts and give your opinion about your own amendments, but this has nothing to see with them. Now please, stick to the voting with no more speeches.
Donald Tusk
Deputy Speaker and Councillor for Spain
The Kingdom of Spain
His Majesty the King, Felipe VI
President Alberto Núñez-Feijóo
Councillor and Council Speaker Donald Tusk -
Ah, OK. You don't like what I have to say. OK, everything I say after this will be my vote.
I vote FOR on Amendment VI.
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@Spain Mr. Deputy Speaker, it is the Councilor's right to express herself in whatever she sees fit as long as it is in a professional manner. She has not attacked a member of this chamber nor has she disrepected anyone directly. I see this as an overstep o your authority and should you throw Councilor Mauer out, you will have to throw me out too.
Tony Odhinazen
EU Councilor, Ruthund -
@Ruthund objections to actions taken by the Deputy Speaker can be addressed through my office. I ask that we try to maintain some form of decorum now that the debate period has ended. I strongly encourage you or any other Councilor with a grievance about another member, the Deputy Speaker, myself, or something more general to either bring it to the attention of my office or open a formal council discussion outside the realm of this vote.
@Istkalen While I very much respect each Councilor's ability to express themselves freely, this is not the time for longwinded statements or a never-ending vote submission. I have remained silent throughout your filibuster and subsequent long winded arguments because, in my professional opinion, they were not hindering the proper functioning of this council and, rather oddly haha, contributing to the overall discussion. That being said, using a period set aside for voting to continue on expounding upon your opinions, while not strictly breaking a rule of conduct, most certainly hinders the proper functioning of this council, and if this conduct continues I will have to open an inquiry into this behaviour and make proper recommendations to this Council. To be frank, had it not been for this endless ballot you last submitted, I would have simply moved along, as your actions have only just now become an actual hindrance to the smooth functioning of this Council.
To everyone else, I ask that we no longer discuss this here. Right now, we are here to vote on Amendments, not squabble over the finer points of our Code of Conduct or expound upon our broader philosophical reasonings to this body. No one is preventing you from speaking, but we do have these expectations and procedures in place to make this body run as smoothly as possible. Disregarding these not only creates a difficult situation for those charged with enforcing conduct rules, but also makes it that much more difficult for those so charged with carrying out their day-to-day duties in the council.
Again, if you wish to discuss this further, or really anything else (including the statements made during this process), I implore you to open a council discussion on the topic.
((OOC: @Istkalen your post is literally spam, and we have OOC rules against that. The amount of scrolling I've had to do to write this is frankly insane. -- Thank you for cutting back lol))
EDIT: Spelling, OOC comment
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I vote FOR amendments I, II, V, VII, and X, and ABSTAIN on all others.
Anja Mauer
Councillor for the Federation of Istkalen
